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Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam

2023-10-18T07:07:58Z

Anishg: References

Authored by Prerona Baruah

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam'''

Srimanta Sankardeva (1449-1596) was the harbinger of the greatest socio-cultural and political revolution in the northeastern state of Assam. The Bhakti movement that engulfed many parts of the country got a headstart in Assam through the teachings of this saint. Though he was on the same platform as the Bhakti saints of India in other parts of the country such as Kabir, Nanak, Mirabai et al., he is probably the least known of the Bhakti reformers of the then fifteenth century India. His disciples, the most notable of which is Madhavdev, continued his work of uniting people on the basis of love and devotion to one God. Prior to the coming of Srimanta Sankardeva on the scene, there was a decay in the Assamese social and religious domain. Tantrism had caught on like fire in the state, where devotion to God was equivalent to animal and even human sacrifices and other evil practices. Moreover, all castes and especially the marginalized tribes of the region, were never considered on par when it came to even worshipping the various deities. His Eka-sarana-naam-Dharma brought in a new sense of worship and individual’s love for God was to be realized through his or her inner devotion. The usage of local languages in connecting to God was also emphasized upon, which reduced the patronage of the Brahmins. The ease of access to God is what made Sankardeva’s religion being taken up by a majority of the population. Even today, his Neo-Vaishnavism has many takers across the state, with Satras being established as the places of worship and cultural renaissance everywhere.

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism'''

Saktism and Tantrikism along with “pseudo-Buddhistic culture” were the predominating religion of ancient Kamarupa. Kamakhya was the centre of Tantrik culture and its fame spread all over India. At that time study of religion was confined to the so-called superior learned sections of the society, that is, the Brahmanas or Brahmins. Neo-Vaisnavism as propounded by Sankaradeva differed a good deal from the earlier system based on Tantrikism (Acharyya, 1959)1.

At the time of the advent of Sankardeva the whole of Assam was divided among the Bhuyans, Ahorns, Koches, Kacharis, Jaintias, Chutias and Magas. The Bhuyans had disputes with the ruling dynasty, the Ahoms, as well as against others. The period saw a large influx of the Shan peoples into Assam. Though subsequently these were absorbed by the Hindu culture of Assam, they retained many of their own customs and habits at the time. There were repeated Muslim invasions from Bengal which proved disastrous to the culture and progress of Assam. Moreover, Naras of Upper Burma attacked time and again, which negatively impacted the development of the state (Acharyya, 1959)1.

According to the official website of BarpetaSatra, Srimanta Sankardeva utilised the form of Krishna to preach devotion to a single God (eka sarana), who can be worshiped just by uttering His various names (‘naam’ in Assamese). Eka-sharana-naam-dharma was based on four main pillars—deva (God), naam (Prayers), bhokots (Devotees), and guru (Mentor). However, unlike the other Bhakti streams of the era, “eka sarana” follows the “dasya” attitude, which means being a slave to God. When a devotee completely surrenders his or her mind, body and ego in the feet of omnipotent Lord Krishna, then it is called as Eksarana (Borah, 2015)4.

According to Maheswar Neog, “The Bhagavata-purana, the Bhagavad-gita and the ‘Sahasra-nama’ section of the Padma-purana might be the sources from which the Mahapurusha took inspiration to introduce the core elements of his neo-vaishnavism, namely, the congregation of followers, praying to one god, and singing holy songs in the name of god. The symbol of this renaissance was the establishment of the “Naamghar”. It can be defined as a place of worship where followers of Sankardeva chant mantras and sing songs, along with some beating drums in order to be closer to God. These songs, known as Borgeet, were composed by the then child prodigy Sankardeva. The other songs were mostly composed by his favorite disciple, Madhavdeva (1489-1596).

Madhavdeva was the successor of the great saint. However, the sakta follower Madhavdeva had first come into contact with the Vaishnavite Sankardeva through a debate that changed the former’s views on life and religion forever. Madhavdeva consequently initiated into eka-sarana-naam-dharma, thus gaining Sankardeva a lifelong companion and a devoted student. Madhavdeva, following his teacher’s footsteps, wrote some of the greatest works in Assamese such as Naamgosha and Bhakti Ratnavali, along with borgeets. Both of them laid the foundations of Assamese society and culture.

Sankardeva was not only a great social reformer, he has contributed to the Assamese culture, language, literature, music and society as a whole, without having a parallel in the history of Assam. As the “doyen of cultural renaissance” and “harbinger of Bhakti Movement”, Sankardeva took on the orthodox elements of the society and introduced cultural forms like Bhaonas and Borgeet et al., which had consequently defined our Assamese identity. With its dynamic philosophy of inclusiveness, Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism has given birth to a new “Cultural Nationalism” based on a national identity underlined by cultural traditions and language, not on the concept of common ancestry or race (Rahman, 2015)10.

Thorough reformation and organisation of the society and moral upliftment of Assam has been achieved through the activities pursued in the Sastras. The social order and tone es by his influence is traditionally coming down from generation to generation. Sankardeva’s neo-Vaishnavism has the core elements of all religions. The principles of Ahimsa now universally acknowledged as the best form of faith is deeply rooted in the teachings of Sankaradeva. The broadness of his teachings makes a common platform for all humanity. Thus in the spiritual field equality of men - a desideratum long overdue, took place ushering a new era of peace and progress in human conduct (Acharyya, 1959)1.

According to him, all devotees are equal in the eyes of God. Everyone was welcome in his satras, irrespective of caste or religion. For this reason, he established Vaishnavite monasteries known as Satras. All the followers of this new religion would congregate and chant names along with the beating of drums. Each Satra has a naamghar (prayer hall) and is headed by a Satradhikar. Bhokots or monks are inducted at a very young age. Satras also got donations in land or money from the kings, though they were self-sufficient. Satras started gaining a lot of influence in the Assamese society and soon, a large section of the Assamese was affiliated to one satra or the other. Throughout the ages, Satras have been successful in maintaining the cultural elements of the movement introduced by Sankardeva in their “pristine purity”. Satras have “relentlessly encouraged the arts and craft, like dance, drama, music, book-illustration and the making of decorative objects for the beautification of the Satra interiors- the Satriya Architecture” (Borkakoti, 2006)5.

'''Political Role of the Satras'''

The Ahoms, who migrated from upper Burma, became the rulers soon after they came to Assam in 1228 AD. They were Hinduized as a result of the expansion of the Ahoms towards the western side of the Brahmaputra valley, which was engulfed in Sanskritic customs and traditions (Sharma, 1996)11.

Srimanta Sankardeva is the major link between the two kingdoms of Koches and the Ahoms, which were ruling in medieval Assam. The spread of neo-Vaishnavism in the 16th century took place in the form of initiation, which greatly alarmed the Brahmin priests. Shaktism was the predominant religion during this time, being adopted and widely practised by the kings and queens of the Ahom dynasty. Shaktism was highlighted by animal and human sacrifices and indulging in caste hierarchies among the common people. Moreover, the poor also suffered disproportionately in the sacrifices. Thus, Sankardeva’s religion brought in a new wave of equality, brotherhood and freedom to love and devote oneself to God in a personalised way. Initially, the relations between the Ahom kings and Sankardeva were smooth. It was during Ahom King Suhungmung’s rule, who was the first in the dynasty to adopt the Hindu title of Swarganarayan, that the relations between Sankardeva and the Brahmins reached a new low.

Their differences and the consequent dispute went out of control to such an extent that Sankardeva had to leave the Ahom kingdom along with his family, as a member of his family was executed on flimsy grounds. They safely reached the Koch kingdom, but the same thing happened there as well due to the Koch king Naranarayan coming under the influence of the priestly class. However, the king’s brother, the brave Chilarai tried to mediate between the two sides. Later, Naranarayan was so taken by Sankardeva’s religion and his all-encompassing thought and philosophy that he requested the guru to initiate him. However, since he was a king and foreseeing the political consequences of his actions, Sankardeva did not bring him into the neo-Vaishnavite movement (Gait, 1926)8.

In the Assamese society, a Vaishnava Satra comprises a large assembly or a huge hall for congregation (prayer hall) which is known as “Kirtanghar”. A “namghar” is supported by the two rows of pillars. By and large, Satras are situated on quadrangles secured by dividers or walls. Every fundamental Satra is unique in terms of a “manikuta”, “namghar” and two or four lines of “hatis” or elephants. In a Satra, the entrance, which is prompting the inside by a little house, is called “batchara” or “korapat”. The focusing round the namghar and the manikuta of the Satra exist four or two rows of private huts proposed for administrative devotees, also known as “Bhaktas” (Das and Saikia, 2020)6. There are numerous Satras which are situated in Assam, for example, Auniati, Kamalabari, Dakshinpat, Barpeta, Patbausi (near Barpeta, one of old Satra of Sankardeva's time). One of the important Satra is Sundaridia, which got the royal patronage from Koch and Ahom kings (Neog, 1988)9.

The neo-Vaishnavite sect in Assam was based on a wide network of the Satras, each headed by an abbot, who is the guru. Each Satra encompasses a number of villages. Each village had its own community prayer-hall or “namghar” for diving deep into religious discourses and also conducting village meetings. Gradually, the Satras were granted massive land endowments, paiks and other precious gifts from the ruling class and became very powerful feudal institutions. In time, with the rise and spread of Satras all over Assam, ideological differences slowly raised their head. As a result, some did upheld Vedic rites and rituals, idol worship and “spiritual superiority” of the Brahmins while some totally rejected these in their Satras. The non-conformist Satras, especially the Moamoria “seira” provided the organisational basis to one of the bloodiest peasant revolts in the history of Assam, the Moamoria Rebellion, where the exploited peasants and “paiks” turned against the ruling class. state. The Moamorias shook from its foundation the once powerful Ahom empire, which ultimately led to the usurpation of state power by the rebels. Such was the strength of the ordinary peasants that to regain power from them, the Ahom monarch had to take the help of the British. The chaos which the Moamoria rebellion created impeded the growth of feudalism which was in a process of development in Assam. All the above mentioned factors as well as the internal conflicts within the Ahom dynasty led to the occupation of Assam by the Burmese from 1818 to 1824. The Burmese had to be finally ousted by the British, who ruled Assam till India got independence in 1947 (Sharma, 1996)11.

Till today, the political role of the Satras in Assam, especially during elections, cannot be ruled out. Politicians dole out money and grants in order to influence voters as most are affiliated to one Satra or the other. Emergence of Sankardeva Sangha in Assam in the 20 century as opposition to predominance of neo-Vaishnavism and doing away with the Brahminical and exploitative and evil practices is juxtaposed with the authority the Satras carry concerning the Assamese society. The juxtaposition of religion with politics can also be understood by analysing the politics of “Sangha” and it also highlights how different groups try to portray themselves as the true representatives of the movement (Bora, 2017)3.

Since a huge chunk of the Assamese population still hold Satras as the epitome of their pilgrimage, Satras work as a sacred thread that binds different sections of the population together, such as lower castes, marginalised tribes, women et al., who hitherto hardly figured as equals in the earlier streams of Hinduism that engulfed Assam. Moreover, Satras have played a significant role in creating a united Assam that hinges on the ideals of universal brotherhood, humanism and peaceful coexistence. All the above shows how throughout history, Satras have had a significant role in shaping the polity of Assam. Even now, politicians visit Satras, give them various grants and show reverence to the Satradhikars.

'''Relevance of Sankardeva’s philosophy for India and the world'''

Srimanta Sankardeva understood the need to recognise all religions as equal for the betterment of Assamese society. For him, devotion to one God could uplift any individual. The places of worship, such as Satras and the namghar, became the source of knowledge about the other realm for the common people. Assam, at present, has many vulnerabilities. Each ethnic group is emerging with its own group identity. In such a time, there is a need to re-propagate and spread the “principles of Gurujana.” Sankardeva felt that religious unity helps in reconciling and uniting society. This is the reason why he preached 'Eka-sarana-naam-dharma'. This religion has all the principles of education: “Justice, morality, non-violence, abolition of untouchability, spirituality, abstinence from evil, social service. He sought to educate human beings in the spirit of God, by uplifting the body and soul through the vision of God, freeing them from the aggression of the bodily reptiles, and nurturing them with spiritual knowledge. According to him, non-violence is the path to be followed in order to create a stable and peaceful order” (Deka and Barman, 2021)7.

Srimanta Sankardeva was born in an era when few people could even look out of the lens of religion, politics and wars. He introduced the idea of equality into the then unequal medieval Assamese society. Srimanta Sankardeva thus stood for a united Assam by including all kinds of devotees and followers, whether rich or poor, high caste or outcaste, Hindu or Muslim, and even the marginalised tribes of Assam. Everyone had a place in Sankardeva’s movement. Through his Eka-sharana-naam-dharma, Srimanta Sankardeva could end the evil and exploitative practice associated with Saktism and tantrikism such as animal sacrifices. Neo-Vaishnavism taught the common people to love one another and love god without the help of any anyone in between and to consider everyone as equal, thus democratising the realm of religion and instilling humanism.

“Gurujana” was much more than a saint. He could write, sing, compose, play instruments, philosophise and the like. The neo-Vaishnava devotional movement, which spread throughout India in the 14th and 15th centuries AD, had a far-reaching effect on Assam at that time. In Assam, it was originally led by Sankardev “Gurujana.” He was accompanied by Madhava Deva. 'Manikanchan Sanjog' is the term used to depict the fusion of the minds of the duo. The beginning was a new horizon (Deka and Barman, 2021)7.

His neo-Vaishnavism exudes humanism. His belief in equality of all men, in fact, is a concept that has seen the light in the modern period. That it comes from a saint from the medieval age speaks volumes about his foresightedness and broadmindedness. Sankardeva as a proponent of unity in diversity has a lot of relevance today in Assam where people are still engaged in identifiers such as tribals and non-tribals, upper Assam and lower Assam, rich and poor, low castes and high castes et al. His adherence to human values is a beacon of hope to all those who strive to create a more equal world filled with love, universal brotherhood and peace. The world community, which has just seen people dying and homes disappear in matter of seconds through the ongoing Ukraine War, needs to inculcate the ideals of humanism more so ever than in the past.

'''References'''

1. Acharyya, N. N. (1959). An Enquiry into the Religious Concept of Sri Sri Sankaradeva. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, pp 477-482.

2. BarpetaSatra. https://barpetasatra.org/about-srimanta-sankardeva/srimanta-sankardev/

3. Bora, S. (2017). Recurrence of neo-Vaishnava Faith: Emergence of Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha in Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 53-68.

4. Borah, B. (2015). Sankaradeva and the Neo-Vaisnavite Movement in Assam: A Philosophy. https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/206365?mode=full

5. Borkakoti, S. K. (2006). Unique contribution of SrimantaSankardeva in Religion and Culture. Srimanta Sankardeva Sangha Nagoan.

6. Das, D., & Saikia, C. R. (2020). Neo-Vaishnavism Movement of Srimanta Sankardeva in Assam: Its Socio-Cultural Imprints. International Journal of Management, pp 1395-1399. http://www.iaeme.com/IJM/issues.asp?JType=IJM&VType=11&IType=10

7. Deka, D. K., & Barman, S. (2021). Teaching of Sankardeva: Its Relevance in Modern Assamese Society. Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry (TOJQI), pp 5189- 5194.

8. Gait, E. (1926). A History of Assam. EBH Publishers.

9. Neog, M. (1988). The Contribution of the Sankardeva Movement to the Culture and Civilization of India. Forum for Sankardeva Studies.

10. Rahman, M. S. (2015). Role of Satra& Namghar in the Evolution of Genesis of Assamese Identity. International Journal of Social Sciences and Management, pp 108–113. https://doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v2i2.12143

11. Sharma, C. K. (1996). Socio-Economic Structure and Peasant Revolt: The Case of Moamoria Upsurge in the Eighteenth Century Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 33- 52.

Mind in Indian Tradition

2023-10-15T05:20:42Z

Anishg: created a new page

Authored by Rajat Pratap.

=== INTRODUCTION ===
Addressing ‘Society for Psychical Research’ (1913), Bergon once proposed a hypothetical but intriguing prospect – “what would have happened in modern science, if it had started the reverse way: with the considerations of mind (espirit) instead of matter; if Kepler, Galileo, Newton for instance, had been psychologists.” It is common knowledge that Western psychology has its roots in physiological sciences. The alternative evolution, one that Bergson had in mind, took place in India. Rhys David, in her pioneering work on Indian psychology, noted that in India, ‘Analysis of mind apparently preceded that of life in matter.’ The embryonic physiological literature of ‘cataloguing and discussing bodily parts and functions’ in Brahmans and Buddhist works emerged in a culture ‘which was already much preoccupied with analytical treatment of mind.’

The distinct inclination of Indian philosophy towards the ‘inner world’ has been noted by almost every authority on the subject. Musings on body, mind and consciousness that preoccupied particularly the Upanishadic seers have, however, been studied under the wider rubric of discipline of philosophy, despite the fact that they contain very pregnant psychological insights. It was only recently, especially after the publication of Pondicherry Manifesto, that rigorous psychological perspectives on Indian texts begun to emerge, contributing significantly to a pre-existing diverse pool of interpretations. This paper aims at explaining how the mind was understood in Upanishads and the ‘orthodox’ philosophical schools that developed subsequently. The structural integrity of Indian philosophy has been highlighted by underlining the common roots of different interpretations in wider Upanishadic framework. Both primary as well as secondary sources have been consulted and supplemented with subjective interpretations of the author.

=== SEEDS AND BROAD CONTOURS OF INDIAN PSYCHOLOGY ===

==== VEDIC LITERATURE ====
Rigveda, though primarily a collection of ritualistic and inspired hymns devoted to deities like Indra, Varuna, Soma and Agni, is punctuated with poignant philosophical musings. Here, we encounter the embryonic form of subsequent, more articulate insights into the nature of mind and self. The world was viewed as a duality of ‘yat’ and ‘sthtiam’- the moving world of undying forces and the stagnant world of mortal matter. In the early Upanishads this duality was extended to the ‘person’ who was understood as a conglomerate of material form (Rupa) and immaterial name (Nama). This distinction, between name and form, ‘underlines the difference between conception and perception, between the abstraction and sensation’ and the ‘essence of meaning consists in the former, while the latter is a mere instrument.’ It was ‘nama’ that was pursued by the Indian teachers. Rhys David has brought to attention the concept of ‘more’ (bhuyas) within ‘nama’, that preoccupied the authors of Upanishadic verses. In Chhandogya Upanishad, 7,1, Sanat-Kumar, answering his curious disciple Narada, provides a list of things that constitute this ‘more’. Speech is more than nama, mind (manas) more than speech, purpose more than mind, thought than purpose, musing (dhyana) than thought, and ‘awareness-in-surviving’ (‘vijnana’ - elsewhere translated as consciousness) more than musing. The hierarchy leading from gross material to subtler aspects and ultimately the pure consciousness or ‘true self’ thus developed, where mind was given a position of mediator.

In Rigveda, we also find references to mind as a rational entity invoked to exercise control over heart (hrd) – the psychological faculty responsible for emotions. Role of mind is likened to winnowing of barley through the sieve, suggesting selective reception (Rg Veda, 10.10.6). Ramchandra Rao cites the episode of Pururavas, when his wife Urvasi turns indignantly away from him, he begs her to ‘stay with mind.’ Mind is truthful, unruffled, mature, firm and sharp as against heart which represents the ‘stirred up state of individual.’ The subsequent conceptualization of ‘Viveka’ as a rational plus ethical entity, often invoked in Bhagwat-Gita, has its root in the restraining function ascribed to mind in Rigvedic verses. These verses also, to an extent, anticipate the Yogic theory of ‘vritti’ and ‘Purusha’, explained by Vivekananda through the imagery of ripples in the water and surface of the lake: the former is the unstable, stirred up dimension that clogs or conceals the real self.

It is however, noteworthy, that in Aitareya Upanishad 1,1,4, we find the precedence of heart and consequent creation of mind- “A heart was separated out; from the heart, mind (manas), from the mind, moon.” Further, “that which is heart and mind”, says verse 3,5,2 of the same, implying that the seat of mind is in the heart. Could it be that heart was being conceived of as the psychic faculty responsible for ‘intuition’ which was now given a higher epistemological status than rational enquiry? S Channakeshavan has adopted a different tangent. According to her, ‘the bodily functions such as movement and sensation are dependent on the working of both heart and mind.’ It is owing to this interdependent relationship that ‘the Upanishads maintain that the heart and the mind are fundamentally one.’

==== THE DUAL ROLE OF MIND ====
The Upanishads ascribe to mind a position of mediator between the external world and the inner self. In the Rigveda itself, we find “What thing I truly am I know not clearly; mysterious, fettered in my mind I wander” (Rg Veda, 1.164.37). Mind here is a ‘fetter’ holding the seeker back from fuller knowledge of his real self. In Upanishads, the view is expressed more articulately:

‘The mind, in truth, is for mankind

The means of bondage and release

For bondage, if to objects bound;

From objects free—that’s called release.’

The mind is seen as a means, of both bondage (implying suffering) and liberation. In its former function, it is the tool of external knowledge. In Brahadaranyaka Upanishad, we find – ‘People say my mind was elsewhere; I did not see. My mind was elsewhere, I did not hear. It is with the mind, truly that one sees. It is with the mind that one hears…’ Mind thus, connects the self, the knower and the enjoyer, to the outside world. But, if limited to this sole function, mind inevitably becomes a means of bondage. It longs for permanence, stability and continuity but the tangible world is impermanent by its very nature. Ramakrishna Rao has captured this existential dilemma in following words:

‘Craving for permanence causes the search for identity and self-sameness. Then attachment follows. Desires and disappointments, stress and distress do not lag far behind. Existential anxiety is the result;

One common, but ‘ineffective’ strategy is to identify the ego sense with the ‘unchanging self-sameness of the consciousness’. However, it is only after orienting itself inward, towards the exploration of ‘consciousness’, that mind can tap into the second function of liberation. In its first role, mind is ‘transactional’; in second, ‘transcendental.’ In the former capacity, as the Upanishads put it, it is ‘bound to objects’, and in second, a tool for ‘release’. This notion is based on the ‘permanence’ and ‘immutability’ of consciousness. Nothing in the tangible world can fulfil the ‘craving for permanence’ but only the realization of or ‘sakshatkar’ with the Atman. The idea of salvation (moksha) is thus, closely related to the Upanishadic conception of origin of suffering and its resolution. It finds its distinct echoes in the preaching of Gautama Buddha as well.

Some crucial insights of Bhagwat-Gita stem from the premises laid down in Upanishads. For instance, in describing the characteristics of sthitprajna, it says:

“When a man dwells in his mind on the objects of sense, attachment to them is produced. From attachment springs desire and from desire comes anger. From anger arises bewilderment, from bewilderment loss of memory; and from loss of memory, the destruction of intelligence; and from destruction of intelligence, he perishes. But a man of disciplined mind, who moves among the objects of sense, with the senses under control and free from attachment and aversion, he attains purity of spirit.”

The conception of mind as prone to attachment and attachment as a reason for perversion of mental and spiritual life is fundamentally an Upanishadic insight, taken forward in different ways, by almost all schools of Indian philosophy. As for the latter function of liberation, interpretations have varied. Whilst some make a case for meditative and physiological practices in order to attain salvation, like Yoga Darshana, others have emphasized the need for Bhakti, devoted surrender to one deity whose grace shall lift the devotee from the world of suffering, transience and death (mrityu-lok) to a state of blissful consciousness. Others still have ascribed primary significance to knowledge. The central argument however, remains the same. The salvation, an essential subset of which is a peaceful mental life, can result from a withdrawal of mind from external objects and its orientation towards a transcendent reality.

==== THE SUBSTANTIALITY OF MIND ====
Is mind material? Or is its nature opposed to that of matter? Mind is something that ‘goes out afar’. Uddalaka, teaching Svetaketu, tells him that the mind is like a bird that is tied up to the soul. It wanders about hither and thither, not finding any rest in its flight, comes back and settles down on its resting place. It cannot be a physical sense organ, for then, its movement within and ‘out afar’ would be impossible. It also cannot be the soul or Self for the same reason, because then, the bodily functions would cease. Mind has also been conceptualized as travelling through the senses, carrying their word back to the Self and vice versa. It is also a determinative, analyzing and volitional agent. What is its status then?

In Brahadaranyaka Upanishad, we find a series of progression from senses to the real self. Channakeshavan explains it thus:

The senses are gross and they are derived from the subtle elements. Hence these subtle substances are higher than the senses for they are the causes of the senses. Then mind with original non-perceptual qualities such as will and desire is more subtle, hence more valuable. Even greater or subtler than this is the intellect, for it is that which determines. Greater than that is Hiranyagarbha, the central self of all existence.

Mind is not opposed to material, but is itself composed of matter, however that of a subtle nature. It is superior to senses because it reflects the pure intelligence of Atman, and connects it with the world. The chariot parable, oft-repeated in different Indian texts which situates the senses as the horses, mind as the driver (saarthi) and Self as rider or the enjoyer (swamin) is very illuminating in this regard. In the Chhandogya, Uddalaka instructing Svetaketu in the lore of Brahman tells him that when food is eaten, the finest part of it becomes manas. Therefore, mind is composed of ‘subtle’ but still material constituents.

The concept of mind in Vedic literature can be summarized thus: ‘mind is non-conscious (achetana) and it is in some respects physical and qualitatively different from consciousness as such.’ Simultaneously however, it is also a psychic faculty and therefore conscious (through the reflection of intelligence [prajna] of Atman). Further, ‘mind is seen as consisting of three dimensions— (1) cognitive, (2) emotive, and (3) volitional. Different terms are used to refer to mind and these have come to be seen as different levels of functioning of the mind.’ Given the dual role of mind as a means of both attachment and liberation, it became central to human quest for salvation and perfection and therefore, was devoted immense attention since the beginning of Indian philosophical and psychological thought. Quite rightly, ‘the Vedic ideas were the seeds that sprouted during the Sūtra period and grown later in the commentaries on the sūtras of different philosophical systems.’

=== MIND AND PSYCHOLOGY IN SANKHYA-YOGA TRADITION ===

==== METAPHYSICS ====
The Sankhya and Yoga systems are in significantly broad agreement about the metaphysical nature of the world, man, mind and ultimate truth and therefore, have been regarded as one category. Similar is the case with Vaisheshika and Nyaya schools. In Sankhya-Yoga tradition, there is one primordial pure consciousness ‘Purusha’ out of which ‘manifests’ Prakriti, the material reality. The entire existential drama is an interplay between Purusha and Prakriti. They are, in a way, the ‘soul and substance of the world’ (Bernard, 1947). Purusha has no easy English equivalent. The words ‘consciousness-as-such’ or ‘pure-consciousness’ come closest to capture its spiritual as well as psychological connotations. Rao and Paranjpe define it as the principle behind consciousness manifesting in the person. According to them, ‘Purusha refers to both common as well as individualized forms of consciousness. It is the transcendental principle that makes awareness subjectively possible.’ Quoting SankhyaKarika, they note that Purusha is an isolated, indifferent, neutral and inactive spectator (saksin).

In contrast to Purusha- an essentially subjective dimension, Prakriti is the ‘primordial matrix of matter; the material basis of our universe and our physical being.’ Three fundamental characteristics (gunas) are inherent in Prakriti – sattva (essence), rajas (energy) and tamas (mass/inertia). In its primordial conditions, there is a perfect equilibrium between three gunas, the modifications in which lead to the process of evolution. Through the combinations and recombination of essence, energy and mass, Prakriti unfolds from an ‘incoherent, indeterminate, and undifferentiated to a coherent, determinate, and differentiated form.’ The primordial state of Prakriti is elusive, captured best by this mysterious verse taken from the commentary of Vyasa on Yoga-sutras of Patanjali- "that which never is, nor is not, that which exists and does not exist, that in which there is no nonexistence, the unmanifested, without any specific mark, the central background of all" (quoted from Radhakrishnan, 1923/1989, vol. 2. pp. 260-261)4. The striking resemblance with the NasadiyaSukta of Rigveda is more than incidental. Moreover, the duality of Prakriti and Purusha is almost identical to the Rigvedic binary of yat and sthitam. It is clear that Rigvedic ideas were shaping the subsequent philosophical discourse- an influence that has hitherto not been given adequate attention.

==== META-PSYCHOLOGY ====
The psychological apparatus conceived within this metaphysical framework is both descriptive as well as remedial. It must be noted that, following the Upanishadic precedent, Sankhya-Yoga also considered mind-stuff (Buddhi and its evolutes) as material in nature. Therefore, their development has been traced from the primordial unfolding of Prakriti. In the process of evolution of Prakriti, the first manifestation was that of Mahat, the ‘cosmic intellect’. As Rao (1999) calls to our attention, Pañchaśikha, quoted in Vyāsa’sSāṁkhya-pravacana-bhāṣya, considers Mahat as “mere ‘I-ness’ (asmīti-mātra); it is the subjective counterpart of the objective ‘mere i-ness’ (tan-mātra) of things” (p. 32). Mahat, when individuated, transformed into Buddhi. The Buddhi has a predominantly sattvic characteristic, making it capable of reflecting pure-consciousness of Purusha. Despite its sattvic nature, buddhi, being an evolute of Prakriti, is incapable of consciousness on its own. It is the reflection of Purusha that renders it conscious. Rao and Paranjpe have attempted to argue that Purusha too is not entirely unaffected in the process. Influenced by Vijnanabhikshu, another Sankhya commentator, they observe that the consciousness of Buddhi is itself ‘superimposed on the Purusha, who gets the notion of an experiencing person by mistaking the modifications of Buddhi as his/her own. Thus, it is the conjunction of the purusha and the buddhi, the reflexive relation between the two, that gives us self-consciousness and the subjective experience we have of the world.’

While the sattvic part of Buddhi makes self-consciousness possible, the minor Rajas element predisposes it to ‘act’. In the process, the undifferentiated ‘mere I-ness’ becomes differentiated, structured and coherent as an individual, giving rise to Ahamkara or the ego-sense. According to Sankhya, ego is not an entity but a process that gives identity to the psycho-physical framework of the person. Manas and indriyas (sensory motor-processes) are further evolutes of Ahamkara. Manas, in Sankhya-Yoga, symbolises the connecting link between the sensory motor apparatus and the Ahamkara. Buddhi, Ahamkara and Manas together constitute the mind-stuff, called Antahkarana in Sankhya and Citta in Yoga tradition. The modifications in the mind-stuff have been titled ‘vritti’. The increasing analytical approach is evident in the fact that while Upanishads were content with a single entity- manas, to represent the whole of psychic faculties, a greater differentiation and specification was now preferred. However, the broad framework was still the same- a pure consciousness illuminating the mind thus bestowing it with intelligence and in the process, conferring on it, twin functions of cognition and liberation.

==== SUFFERING AND SALVATION ====
The Sankhya-Yoga philosophy of suffering is also an Upanishadic import, albeit in a modified form. Instead of simply tracing the root of suffering to the inherent predisposition of mind towards attachment, the latter two Gunas are held responsible for it. As was indirectly implied earlier, the third Guna, Tamas is obstructive to the illumination of Purusha and therefore clouds the pure consciousness. The Rajasi and Tamasic attitudes lead one towards ego-dominance, attachment and consequent suffering. The ego-sense or empirical self begins to identify itself with the real consciousness. Suffering therefore, is built into the very fabric of evolution of Prakriti. The only way to escape it is a reversal of this process, an involution or enfoldment instead of evolutionary unfolding. In the words of Ramachandra Rao, “a backward process of attention, closing in, and turning back of the consciousness into an undifferentiated mass (samādhi). The world then becomes a mere ‘is’, the individual a bare ‘am’” (1999, p. 38).

Cognition, in Yogic understanding, takes place in two directions, outward and inward. The cognitive faculty, called Citta in yoga, comprises of instinctual tendencies derived from actions of previous births and this life (vāsanās and saṁskāras) which taint one’s cognition and predispose them to act in certain ways. The external cognition is a sequenced process where manas first receives information from the senses and determines its character by discrimination and integration. Ahamkara then appropriates the material provided by the manas and gives a frame of reference to perception. Buddhi then reacts to the information in appropriate manner. Manas, Ahamkara and Buddhi are conceived as functional aspects of a single entity- Citta, rather than three separate entities. The inward cognition implies the cognition of consciousness. Consciousness-as-such, the ground of all cognition, however, cannot be directly apprehended as it has no ‘content’. It can solely be intuited. The following observation of Rao and Paranjpe is significant:

It (Consciousness-as-such) manifests in two basic forms: (1) transcendental and (2) empirical. In its transcendental aspect consciousness is apprehended in immediate intuition where there is no distinction between subject and object. In its empirical form it manifests in the cognitions where there is a differentiation between the cognizing subject (grahitr), the object of cognition (grahya) and the process of cognition (grahana).

In day-to-day cognition, the influence of Consciousness can only be rationally inferred. The intuitive experience of it however, occurs only when the mind-stuff has been cleared of modifications and subject has reached the stage of Samadhi or Kaivalya. The significance of Yoga, particularly the synthesis provided by Patanjali in his concise Yoga-sutras, lies in its sequenced demonstration of eight-fold path towards Samadhi and ultimately self-realization.

The Citta-vrittis, the fleeting states of mind or the modifications produced in mind are of critical importance in Indian psychology and form the basis of Patanjali’s sutras. At the very outset, in second sutra, it is asserted that Yoga is controlling of vrittis. The five vrittis described in Yoga are – pramanas or true cognition, viparyaya or false cognition, vikalpa which is merely an idea with no corresponding material reality, nidra or sleep and finally smriti or memory which involves storage and retrieval. Patanjali also describes five sources of hindrance (klesa) that corrupt the mind and stand in the way of controlling mental fluctuations. They are avidya, asmita, raga, dvesa, and abhinivesha (Yoga-Sutras, II.3). Avidya has been defined as the incapacity to distinguish ‘between good and bad, truth and falsehood, the permanent and the impermanent, and the pure and the impure.’ It furnishes as the ground (khsetram) for all other hindrances (II.4). Asmita is personal identity, the I-ness generated by the wrongful identification of purusha with buddhi. Raga is passion for pleasure. Dvesa is opposite of raga and represents aversion towards objects. Abhinivesa is indicated by the will-to-live and the instinctive fear of death. All these hindrances are responsible for suffering.

Correspondent to these five hindrances are the five attentive stages of mind, of which the initial three- fluctuating level, inactivity (in drowsiness or sleep) and occasional concentration- are commonly experienced. The latter two however, i.e., Ekagrata (one-pointed concentration) and Niruddha - access to consciousness-as-such through complete restraining of all mental-functions, are achieved through Yogic practises of dharana (concentration) and dhyana (meditation). Another profound aspect of Yoga psychology is the inclusion of unconscious impressions like Samskaras on mind. They play a critical role in one’s spiritual progress. These Samskaras are the depositions of Karma (good or bad actions) and thus give Indian psychology its distinctive psycho-ethical characteristic. Samskaras resulting from bad actions produce greater obstructions in the path to self-realization by magnifying Rajasi and Tamasic elements, and hence, perpetuate suffering. The idea of salvation and psychological stability therefore, becomes intricately connected with the ethical concerns at macroscopic level.

=== ADVAITA-VEDANTA: COMMONALITIES AND DIFFERENCES ===
The Sankhya-Yoga has been hailed as most systematic synthesis of Indian psychology. It should be clear by now that these systems diverge only on the matters of detail from the previously set broader Upanishadic framework. While the metaphysical aspects of Sankhya-Yoga and Upanishads might differ, psychologically speaking, Atman and Purusha or manas and Buddhi serve almost the same roles. Sankhya provided a more comprehensive structure to Upanishadic psychology, and Yoga supplied it with a practical therapeutic dimension. One remarkable evidence for psychological integrity of divergent philosophies is that the conception of mind in Sankar’s Advaita theory is almost identical with that of the Sankhya-Yoga system, despite the fact that Sankar was the most articulate critic of the latter.

Advaitic conception of mind, consciousness and self was more or less identical with the Upanishadic framework described in the first section. The key function of mind is defined through Samkalpa and Vikalpa, i.e., integration and differentiation that make perception possible. Borrowing from Yoga, the concept of manovrittis, synonymous with Citta-vrittis of Patanjali, became the formative component of psychological states in Advaita-Vedanta. The functional classification of mental faculties into Buddhi, Ahamkara and Manas was also adopted, collectively called Antahkarana (internal organ). In Advaita, the process of perception involves ‘going out’ or ‘flowing out’ of the mind. However, given that mind is considered a non-local entity, its literal ‘going out’ of the body is inconceivable. Instead, it might imply that what is primary in the process of perception is the person and not the object. The person voluntarily enters into a relationship with the perceived object, and therefore, also has the capability to break that connection and orient itself elsewhere. Advaita further distinguishes between perception of the object and perception of the object ‘as the object.’ The former involves identity of cognitive and object consciousness (pramana and vishaya Chaitanya) while the latter, in addition, also involves appropriation of the object by the jiva.

In dwelling on the concept of Jiva, Gaudapada and later Sankar, developed a comprehensive ‘theory of personality’ that describes the person, her motivations, behaviour and thinking in a holistic manner. Ahamkara or ego holds a special place in this theory. Sankara expanded the pre-existing Sankhya-Yoga notion of ego-sense and incorporated not merely the identification of body with the self but also the name and form of the body as well as the position one is assigned in family and society. ‘More specifically, it involves identification of one's self as a doer (karta) or agent of one's actions, and as enjoyer (bhokta) of the fruits of one's actions (Sankara, d, 106)’. It is by transcending this sense of self by entering into the Turiya state that the individuals can rise above the petty notions of success and failures. The ‘nishkama-karmayoga’ of Bhagwat-Gita that appealed for dutiful action without attaching oneself to the fruits of that particular doing relates to the same principle. It is by shedding the identification of ego-sense with the self that one can achieve the ‘nishkama’ state. Interestingly, Sankara and father of modern psychoanalysis- Freud both regarded Ego as obstructive. However:

The Freudian ego becomes obstructive when it represses id impulses under pressure from the superego guided by ideals that are commonly of religious origin. Sankara, too, views the role of ahamkara as obstructive, but the obstruction is in preventing the experience of the true Self in higher states of consciousness, and not in fulfilling desires for pleasure.

One key difference between the two schools- Sankhya-Yoga and Advaita- is that while the former holds mind to be real, proponents of Advaita consider mind a part of illusory world, and therefore unreal. While on the pragmatic level (vyavaharikta), mind remains essential for perception, rationalisation, decision and determination; in the Turiya (fourth) state of consciousness, when the true self is revealed as pure consciousness, mind dissolves. The constant fluctuations of mind – manovrittis - along with its ultimate dissolution imply its transience and anything that is transient and therefore not immutable and unchanging, is considered to be unreal in Advaita. The pure consciousness, that illuminates the Buddhi, and through the Buddhi, manas, and through manas, the senses, is held to be the sole reality. The differences between Sankhya-Yoga and Advaita are thus, more ontological (relating to definitions of reality) rather than psychological.

=== NYAYA-VAISHESHIKA THEORY OF MIND ===
Although the Sankhya-Yoga and Advaita Vedanta tradition are said to be represent the ‘dominant trend in Indian tradition’, there were other equally important theories regarding the nature of mind and self. Nyaya-Vaisheshika school represents one such thread. Though Nyaya and Vaisheshika sects began as two independent systems, by the 10th century, owing to their shared presumptions and arguments, they came to be regarded as one system. Gautam’s Nyaya Sutra and Kanad’s Vaisheshika Sutra are the foundational texts for both.

Naiyayikas and Vaisheshikas, both consider Atman to be eternal but individualistic. Every individual has a soul but unlike the monistic interpretations of Upanishads, there is no ‘collective’ cosmic self. Further, the mind is also considered ‘eternal.’ In the process of transmigration of souls, it is mind that carries the karma from one body to another. Paradoxically, while the ‘eternity’ of mind implies its disassociation from the physical body, it is still considered to be a sense organ and not a function or a process. But then, what explains the processes of cognition, volition and determination? Can these be attributes of a sense-organ? Nyaya-Vaisheshika philosophers argue that cognition is an attribute of the self and not manas. Further, the shared existence of mind and the self makes the functions of volition and determination possible:

All psychological functions such as awareness, emotion, and volition do not belong either to the self or the mind, but manifest when they are together. While there can be no awareness or consciousness without the self (ātman), consciousness itself is not the essence of the self, but arises as an attribute of ātman in its association with the mind.

This togetherness of both is also held to be the reason for the individuality and unique-ness of each person. The ultimate goal of humans is to sever this connection and free the Atman from the bondage of mind. ‘Moksha is the pure state of the self (ātman) devoid of its entanglement with the mind.’ As long as this ‘entanglement’ continues, the self remains bound to the cycle of rebirth. The path to Moksha is a three staged process- moral actions and restraining hedonistic impulses (Dharma), knowing the ultimate truth about the self through study and reflection and finally, meditating on the ultimate truth leading to its realization. The crucial difference between Nyaya-Vaisheshika system and other schools discussed previously is that, the self here is not conceived as consciousness itself. Rather, consciousness is an attribute of the self, and not its substance. The very notion of consciousness in Nyaya is not that of ‘pure consciousness’ of Sankara but the empirical consciousness or ‘intentional awareness.’

To sum up:

It appears that the differences between Nyāya and other orthodox systems in this respect is more conceptual than substantive. Consciousness as-such, Brahman in Advaita and puruṣa in Yoga, is attributed by Nyāya thinkers to the self (ātman). The agentic aspect of ātman comes to the fore and consciousness becomes its essential attribute. Again, the mind (manas) is a somewhat restricted or narrowed Antahkarana or citta in Yoga. Some of the functions of the buddhi in Advaita/Yoga are attributed to the self in Nyāya. Further, whereas the mind is seen in its functional aspects in Advaita as well as Yoga, it is considered a substance, an organ, an entity in Nyāya.

=== CONCLUSION ===
From the brief overview of Indian psychological thought that preceded, some fundamental axioms about Indian psychological thought and its divergence from West can be easily gleamed. The debate over mind-body complex that intrigued West for centuries and is still unresolved seems almost absent in India. To the Western mind, the problem was to identify either the mind or the body as the self. ‘If mind is pure body, then the problem of will cannot be solved. If it is pure self, the problem of physical perception remains unsolved.’ Indians ‘avoided this pitfall’ by recognizing Self as something distinct from both Mind and Body. The pure consciousness, in its different variations of Atman or Purusha became the ultimate cognizer.

This introduction of a more fundamental level of cognition and awareness, deeper than that of ‘intellect’ or ‘mind’, had an indirect consequence as well. It gave mind or manas the secondary treatment that it gets in Indian psychology, relevant only to the extent it is instrumental in realization of Ultimate Self. When the experience of pure-consciousness was an option, rather a goal of human life, the transient, shifting and painful fluctuations in ‘mind-stuff’ were not to be regarded as final. When conflicted with painful emotions or thoughts, or suffering from an externally caused misery (death of a loved one, for instance), Indian mind could remind itself of a higher reality. However, unlike the ‘kingdom of God’ in Abrahamic religious traditions, this higher reality was not to be waited for till the end of temporal existence. Neither was it determined by the ‘grace’ of a super natural deity. The agency of the individual himself in bringing about that state of bliss was kept intact and repeatedly emphasised with the notion of Karma and Sadhna. Even the unconscious aspect, that of Sadhna and Vasanas, i.e., the remnants of previous births regarded as ‘great obstacles to ascetic contemplative life’ were not beyond delimitation and unconditioning. With rightful action and spiritual practises, the psychological stability and detachment as an anti-dote to existential suffering could be attained by anyone. In this inclusivity lies the most important contribution of Indian thought. Indian psychology, therefore, proves to be an avenue with exciting possibilities and immense relevance to the modern world.

=== REFERENCES ===
1. Channakeshavan, S. (1960). The concept of mind in Indian philosophy. Asia Publishing House, p. 8

2. Eliade, M. (1969). The Quest: History and Meaning in Religion. The University of Chicago Press.

3. Prasad, J. (1939). Indian Epistemology. Motilal Banarsidas, p. 29

4. Ramakrishna Rao, S. K. (2008). Introducing Indian Psychology. In Ramakrishna Rao, S. K., Paranjape, A. & Dalal, A. K. (Eds) Handbook of Indian Psychology, Cambridge University Press, p. 7

5. Ramachandra Rao, S. K. (1962). Development of Psychological Thought in India. Mysore Kavyalaya Publishers. https://archive.org/details/DevelopmentOfPsychologicalThoughtInIndiaS.K.RamachandraRao

6. Rhys, D. (1936). The Birth of Indian Psychology and its Development in Buddhism. https://archive.org/details/in.ernet.dli.2015.222060

Religion and Patronage: An Epigraphical Survey from the Mauryas to the Guptas.

2023-10-15T05:01:17Z

Anishg: created a new page

Authored by . Mihir Keshari

While capture and establishment of a dominion may involve armed domination, it’s largely agreed that for socio-political and economic consolidation, sustenance, and perpetuation of state power, something else is needed which is beyond the capacities of militaristic force. It’s here that the distinction between power and authority becomes apparent. Unlike the coercive nature of power, authority involves a component of acceptance of unequal relations and cooperation by the subjugated and this transformation of power into authority happens through the mechanism of legitimacy.

In pre-modern states, legitimacy was often achieved through the use of religious symbols, ideas, and institutions, ''“Acts of patronage with their ability to influence the domain of popular perceptions were integral to the legitimation process and strategies of domination... Legitimation allowed those in power to be perceived as moral agents, not just self-interested actors"'' (Sahu, 2003, pp. 44-76).

While within the Vedic corpus we can interpret the performance of certain rituals by the ruling elite as an endeavour to gain legitimacy, it’s only after coming of the Mauryan period that we start getting epigraphical evidence of the possible relationship between the state and religious sects.

Ashokan edicts build an image of the Mauryan Empire, as a centralized, highly bureaucratic, patrimonial welfare state[1]. The relationship between Ashokan polity and Dhamma can be best seen in Pillar edict 1, where he proclaims to protect, administer, please, and guard his empire through Dhamma. The Kandahar Greek inscription suggests subjects’ devotion to the king as an important part of Dhamma. Reading Ashokan edicts as a whole, one cannot but infer the ideological character of the Dhammic policy of Ashoka.

While scholars like Romila Thapar deny any particular leaning of Ashokan policy of Dhamma to any particular sect, Upinder Singh (2016) argues against the minimization of Buddhist elements in Thapar’s interpretation of Dhamma (pp 354-56). Ashoka publicly expresses his personal ‘Buddhist identity’. In Major rock edict 1 he calls himself a Upasaka (a lay Buddhist devotee), he engraved his visit to places important for Buddhism such as Lumbini and Bodhgaya (in Rumindei Inscription). However, irrespective of his leanings, Ashoka appears to not only tolerate but also patronize all sects as reflected in his edicts such as Major rock edict 8, 12 and Pillar edict 7, where one finds his insistence on donating to all sects.

This broad religious outlook mark one of the chief characteristics of the ancient Indian kingship. Upinder Singh (2017) notes that ''“royal patronage was extended to a variety of beneficiaries in a way that rules out the identification of any particular religion as a state religion”'' (p 197). Legitimacy and modes to achieve it necessarily involves confirmation to the established norms and justification of these norms emanates ''“with reference to beliefs commonly shared by the rulers and the ruled”.'' (Sahu, 2003, p. 46) Hence possibly this broad-based policy of toleration and plurality of religious patronage was a reflection of an overall religious fluidity and nature of contemporary religious ideological currents. However, this is not to suggest about the absence of any possible sectarian conflicts.

A degree of sectarian conflict is discernible during the time of Shungas who appear to favour Brahmanical faiths over Buddhism. D. N. Jha (2006) cites the story of the Buddhist text Divyavadana which ''“describes Pushyamitra Shunga as a great persecutor of Buddhists who announced a prize of one hundred dinar for every head of a Shramana”'' (p 5). However a near-contemporary Buddhist text Ashokavadana carries similar accusations against Pushyamitra Shunga with addition of describing Ashoka as carrying out massacre of Jainas and Ajivikas for alleged blasphemy against Buddhism (Stromg, 1989. p. 41). Hence how far sectarian narratives can be taken at face value is debatable; these texts are often concoction of the priestly elite class vying to secure royal patronage.

Though Buddhist Sangha might have lost the privileged position and patronage enjoyed during the Mauryan period, nevertheless it continued to flourish during and after the Shungas, as reflected through the archaeological evidence of building and renovation of stupas, particularly at Sanchi and Bharut, and donations made to them, belying any allegation of a sustained policy of persecution against Buddhism. Romila Thapar (1960) observes a lack of archaeological evidence to support the allegation of Shunga persecution of Buddhism (p 200).

The policy of religious eclecticism and plurality was carried forward by the Kushanas, despite their Buddhist leanings. Kushanas patronized Brahmanical faith; the religious syncretism is best reflected on the Kushanas coins, carrying Indian, Zoroastrian and Greek deities and symbols (Sahu, 2003, p 52). However Upinder Singh (2016) waters down the high praise to Kushanas for their religious plurality and states:

''Such an interpretation is premised on a misperception of ancient Indian cults as mutually exclusive, aggressively antagonistic religious denominations”'', ''“Kushanas policy was just an exaggerated version of the royal policies pursued by many other dynasties of ancient India. In later centuries, even in the case of dynasties that adopted consistent sectarian symbols on their coins and seals, royal patronage was not generally restricted by narrow sectarian boundaries”'' (pp.94-95).

Similar religious eclecticism is reflected in the policy of the Satvahanas, who though were more inclined towards Buddhism, pursued a policy of religious eclecticism and plurality.

The Naneghat inscription of Queen Naganika, records gifts of land to priest for performing certain Vedic rituals by her husband king Satkarni 1 (Singh, 2016, pp.198-99). The Nashik inscriptions of Gautami Balashri was issued during the reign of her grandson king Pulumavi; this inscription record gift of King Pulamavi to Buddhist monks. What’s interesting is that king Gautamiputra Satkarni son of Gautami Balashri is identified as a great Brahmana, with his virtues compared to that of Rama, Krishna, Arjuna, Bhima (Singh, 2016, pp.198-99). The inclusion of symbolism of the Brahmanical pantheon, in a donation to Buddhist monks suggest an absence of sharp sect based divisions and religious identities. Apart from it, inscriptions and donations issued by women are particularly interesting. B. P. Sahu (2003) suggested that royal houses employed the strategy of making donations to sects other than the one patronized by the king through women, in a bid to keep the royal patronage broad-based (p 57).

However we find donations by royal ladies to diverse sects, irrespective of the one patronized by the King as reflected in the Queen edict of the Ashokan period, which records Ashoka giving freedom to the Queen to donate as per her wish. What’s also to be noted is that these ladies were not mere tools at the hand of the king; they enjoyed considerable authority. Queen Naganika had her own lineage mentioned in her inscriptions and is depicted proudly on coins along with her husband, this reflects the authority enjoyed by her (Singh, 2016, p 382).

Moreover, donations to temples and monasteries by women were not limited to royal households. Patrick Olivelle cited works of scholars like Gregory Schopen, Leslie Orr and Cynthia Talbot, to show how women donated extensively to temples and monasteries, reflecting considerable economic agency and the “lived realities” of ancient Indian women, unlike what idealist, prescriptive texts like Manusmriti would want us to believe (Olivelle, 2011, pp. 247-260).

This broad based religious patronage in ancient India wasn’t limited to a particular time and space but possibly was a general policy. “''Religious pluralism and the catholicity of the kings is noticed in the case of the Guptas and their contemporaries, such as the Matharas of Kalinga, Salankayanas of Andhra, Kadambas of Banavasi and the Vakatakas of the northern Deccan”(Sahu, 2003, p 57).'' The Imperial Guptas were great patrons of Vaishanavism. Chandra Gupta 1 has coins issued with motives of Goddess Laxmi. Samundragupa as known from his Prayag Prasasti was a patron of Brahmanical sects; the symbol of Garuda, the vahana of Lord Vishnu was adopted as his royal symbol, as reflected in the relief on his Gaya copper plate. However Prayag Prasasti has references to Pashupati and Ganga reflecting his reverence for Shaivism as well. Another great Gupta emperor Chandragupta-2, despite being a Vaishnav, took the title of Parambhagvata and continued to issue coins with motifs of Garuda and Laxmi. The Udyagiri Cave inscription mentions Chandragupta-2’s visit to a shaiva cave commissioned by his chief minister Virasena (Bakker, 2010, pp 461463). The Guptas, upto the last ruler, continued to personally incline toward one Brahmanical sect or the other, however, this didn’t stop them from tolerating other sects and in cases even patronizing heterodox sects (Darshini, 2005-2006, pp. 167-172).

The first Gupta King Sri Gupta, according to the accounts of I-tsing, is said to have build a temple for Chinese Buddhist pilgrims in the east of Nalanda. Similarly, a Chinese source speaks of Samundragupa permitting the Sri Lankan king to build a vihara and rest house near Bodhi tree at Gaya. This patronage to Buddhist vihara appears to be a continued policy. Though an account of Hiuen-Tsang mentions King Buddha Gupta as patron of Nalanda vihara, the successors continued their patronage to Buddhist viharas (Darshini, 2005-2006, pp. 167-172).

Not just Buddhism, the Guptas appear to patronize Jainism as well. Ramgupta commissioned three Jaina images, which were found in old Besnagar with an inscription recording the donation (Bakker, p.463). Bakker elaborates on the possible influence of Guptas in shaping the religious tilt of Vakatakas. Prabhavatigupta, aughter of Chandragupta, was married to Rudrasena 2. Unlike the preceding and succeeding kings of his lineage, Rudrasena 2 became a patron of Vishnu, as appears in the Mandhal plates of Rudrasena 2. Bakker rightly observes the influence of the Guptas for this change and sees this “conversion” as part of an ante nuptial contract (p.467). However, Bakker does not cite any literary or epigraphical record to backup his assumption of an ante nuptial contract necessitating “conversion” to a different sect as a precondition for marriage alliance.

Hence, though we find strong possible personal affiliation of the royalty or kings toward a particular sect, from Mauryas, who were inclined more towards heterodox sects, to the Guptas, who inclined more towards Brahmanical sects, for political legitimacy or otherwise, however, this did not stop them from tolerating and in cases patronising other sects. This is not to deny the existence of some instances of sporadic sectarian violence, as in the case of alleged persecution of Buddhism by kings like Mihirakula and Shashanka. But as Upinder Singh (2017) observes that “''Mihirakula and Shashanka are exceptions to the general trends of royal religious policy”'' (p 274).'' ''

Ancient Indian states employed religious patronage as a policy to gain legitimacy, cooperation, and acceptance in the eyes of the priestly class and the common populace. Horeover this policy lacked the concept of exclusion and persecution of differing sects in a bid to gain legitimacy. The broad picture of the relationship between the royal and religious sphere in ancient Indian history has been largely of coexistence, tolerance, and of plurality of religious patronage, something which would find resonance with the syncretic religious policy of the emperor Akbar during the medieval period of Indian history.

=== '''References''' ===
1.Bakker, Hans. (2010). Royal Patronage and Religious Tolerance: The Formative Period of Gupta–Vākāaka Culture. ''Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland'', 20. pp 461-475.

2. Darshini, Priya. Religion and Policy if Toleration in the Gupta Period: Numismatic and Epigraphical Facts. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Vol. 66. pp. 167-172.

3.Jha, D. N. ‘Brahmanical Intolerance in Early India’. Social Scientist. Vol. 44, No. 5/6, 2006. pp. 3-10.

4.Olivelle, P. (2011). Rhetoric and Reality: Women’s Agency in the Dharmaśāstras. ''In Language, Texts, and Society: Explorations in Ancient Indian Culture and Religion'' (pp. 247–260). Chapter, Anthem Press.

5.Sahu, B. P. (2003). Legitimation, Ideology and State in Early India. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Vol. 64. pp. 44-76.

6.Strong, John. (1989). ''The Legend of King Ashoka-A Study and Translation of Ashokavadana''. Motilal Banarasidas Publishers.

7.Singh, Upinder. (2016). ''A History of Ancient And Early Medieval India''. Pearson India.

8.Singh, Upinder. (2017). ''Political Violence in Ancient India''. Harvard University Press.

9.Singh, Upinder. (2017). ''The Idea of Ancient India''. Sage publications.

10.Thapar, Romila. (1960). Ashoka and the Decline of the Mauryas. Oxford University Press. (All the references to the Ashokan edicts is from the translation provided in this book).

----[1] To read more about Ashoka and his policy of Dhamma refer to -<nowiki>https://itihaskar.wordpress.com/2021/04/08/ashoka-his-edicts-dhamma-and-other-themes/</nowiki>

Hydromanagement in Ancient India

2023-10-14T11:00:08Z

Anishg:

Authored by Soham Dutta

=== '''Introduction''' ===
Since the inception of civilization in India, water has played a crucial role in the daily lives of people who have resided there. In Rigvedic hymns, water is also revered as Varun dev, while the Saraswati River, one of the most significant water supplies for the Harappan civilization, was revered as a goddess. Not only Saraswati, but every spring of water, regardless of its size, was imbued with religious and spiritual significance. However, the significance of water was not limited to intangible spiritual qualities alone; it was also reflected in common people’s usage of practical water management techniques. Whether it was the enormous subterranean water reservoirs of Dholavira or the ring wells of Hastinapur, successive generations inherited the Indian hydro management system. The expertise of water management was passed down through generations not just in developed metropolitan regions but also in rural communities that were responsible for the maintenance of natural and manmade waterbodies. Regardless of terrain, Indians were able to adapt and create in accordance with varying climatic and geographical conditions, which was necessary for the sustenance of both settlement life and the natural environment. Ancient India, like other ancient civilizations throughout the world, developed hydrologic science due to the need to control water. Until recently, however, the majority of ancient hydrological knowledge was kept secret and unknown to the general public. This research will give insight into ancient India’s hydrological, hydraulic, and related technological understanding, as described in current literature and recent expeditions and discoveries. The Vedas, in particular the Rigveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda, include numerous references to the water cycle and related processes, such as water quality, hydraulic machines and other structures, and nature-based solutions (NBS) for water management. The Harappan Civilization demonstrates the degree of water science development in ancient India, which included the construction of sophisticated hydraulic structures, wastewater disposal systems based on central and decentralized principles, and wastewater treatment techniques. The Mauryan empire (322 BCE–185 BCE) is recognized as the first hydraulic civilization, as evidenced by the construction of dams with spillways, reservoirs, and channels with spillways; an understanding of water balance; the development of water pricing systems; rainfall measurement; and knowledge of various hydrological processes. As we delve deeper into hydrologic references in ancient literature and archaeological sites, several intriguing facets of the Indians’ early scientific endeavors become apparent.

=== '''Geo-Climatic Profile of India''' ===
Elevated parts in northern India, including the Himalayas, get persistent winter snowfall and have climates that range from moderate to alpine. The Himalayan Mountains and the Thar Desert have significant effects on the country's climate. A bulk of the Indian subcontinent stays warmer than most countries at comparable latitudes because the Himalayas act as a barrier to the frigid katabatic winds pouring down from Central Asia. Therefore, the northern parts of the country experience a continental climate, with hot summers and cold winters. As a contrary, the coastal areas of the country are reliably warm and receive heavy rains year round. Typically located where the temperature is high or warm, the Western Ghats, southern Assam, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Lakshadweep Islands all have a tropical wet monsoon climate. Between May and November, these areas average 2,000 millimeter’s of precipitation per year.

The climate in northern and northeastern India is predominantly subtropical. The climate of these regions is characterized by extremely high temperatures during the summer and extremely low temperatures during the winter. Extra precipitation typically occurs in these areas during the winter months.

From January through July, the country experiences a seasonal wind reversal and the second of two wet seasons. Dry, chilly air dominates the winter sky over the Indian subcontinent, blowing in from the northern latitudes and sweeping northeastward. The summer or south-west monsoon is a reversal of winds across the region caused by the severe summer heat warming the northern Indian subcontinent and luring moist breezes over the oceans.

Seventy-five percent of India's yearly precipitation occurs during these four months, making this the single most influential component in the country's climate (June to September). Variability in the onset, duration, and amount of rainfall throughout the monsoon season has significant effects on the country's water supplies, power generation, agriculture, economy, and ecosystems. It's possible that there is no other area of comparable size in the globe with as much climatic diversity. Precipitation amounts can vary widely from one region to another. While Western Rajasthan often receives less than 13 centimeter’s of rain per year, Mawsyram Meghalaya can get as much as 1,141 centimeter’s. The varying climate regimes, from humid in the northeast to dry in the southwest, are roughly reflected in the rainfall pattern (Attri and Tyagi, 2010)3. It is also important to briefly describe the hydrogeological formations, in addition to rainfall, that influence the depth of the aquifer. The alluvial deposits that cover river basins, coastal, and deltaic tracts are the largest and most important ground water reserves for widespread construction. The Indo-Ganga-Brahmaputra basin has the potential to tap into vast quantities of fresh ground water thanks to its favorable hydrogeological setting and ground water regime conditions. These ground water reservoirs are constantly being refilled despite previous heavy use because they are located in areas with abundant rainfall and are covered by a thick layer of permeable sediments (Saha, Dipankar & Shekhar, Shashank & Khan, Shakir &Vittala, S S& Raju, Nandimandalam, 2016)26. Thus, it can be claimed that no single system can be employed for water management in a country like India, with continental proportions; rather, a number of ingenious techniques and systems have been adapted over thousands of years based on local demands.

=== '''Pre-Harappan Beginnings: An Overview of Neolithic Mehrgrah Culture''' ===
The Neolithic era ranged from c. 7000 BC to c. 3000 BCE or later in the Indian subcontinent. The well-established Neolithic period is illustrated by advanced pottery, an agro-pastoral culture, population growth, geographical extension, and innovation in technologies such as the use of gold, seals, glazed steatite, beads, and a water irrigation system. The advanced plumbing and sewer systems were also developed by early engineers and reached their peak during the Harappan era.

One of the earliest examples of neolithic and pre-Harappan hydromanagement can be found in the sites of Mehrgarh culture, which was established on the hill slopes as well as the plain strips of hills or fans in the arid-to-semiarid region of Balochistan with scarcity of water for their survival and agriculture fields. They introduced the gabarbands and checkdams to store the rainwater from open areas, and the khushkaba and sailaba storage systems to store rainwater from the seasonal river in the valleys and use it for their survival. Due to mud-constructed walls and earth dug drains, archeologists know very little about the sanitation and wastewater technologies of Mehrgarh due to harsh weather conditions. However, the remains at Kalli Gull Muhammad and Bolan Pass, Baluchistan, indicate that they have a main drain at the sides of their residences and that the rainwater falls down to it directly from the roofs and houses. The construction of houses in a grid system reveals that there was a common wall between two houses, and in the middle and in the corner of the house, there was a toilet and a bath. Outside the constructed area, there was a check dam for the storage of rainwater with an open inlet drain from the slope or elevated areas. The check dams were used as swimming pools and also for domestic water use. A common well also existed in Kalli Gull Muhammad, as well as Bolan Pass, with spring water in nearby valleys. This evidence indicates that they had common use of wells as well as spring water, which shows their unity and coordination with one another. The Mehrgarh people were developing the concept of a swimming pool or groundwater logging system. In the northwestern part of Kalli Gull Muhammad remains, there is a square-shaped pool or water tank on the ground with an open area around it. This swimming pool is some distance from the water check dam of the settlement, with an inlet and an outlet on the eastern and western sides with compact wall stone. Furthermore, the evidence of gabarbands in Tung Valley, Sind, also represents the waterlogging technology of the Mehrgarh people for agricultural purposes, the latter of which might have been converted into check dams as well as hydro-dam technology. The "great bath" owes, without doubt, a debt to the proto-tanks of Mehrgarh. In Neolithic Mehrgarh, the water wells and tanks seem to be on one side of the village or constructive area. There is no evidence of individual wells, water tanks, or storage systems. The main drain seems to be around the constructed area, with some link drains from the houses. No doubt, the water management system of the Mehrgarh civilization was not well developed, but it provides a clue for the promotion of water technology in the future. Resultantly, the water treatment and sewage system of the Harappan civilization were more advanced compared to the Neolithic era. The Mehrgarh village of Kalli Gull Muhammad, as well as Bolan Pass remains, indicate that they had a well and water tank, as well as baths. The well and water tank were common entities to facilitate the whole village. In the houses, between bedrooms, there are small square-shaped units in the form of a row, which shows that these were the baths as well as the toilets, which exist in almost all houses ((Khan, Yilmaz, Valipour, Angelakis, 2021)17.

Generally, the Neolithic Mehrgarh is known as the village system, with some compact and dispersed house systems. The drain around the village and the waterlogging check dams indicate that they were aware of the drainage system but were not well developed technologically. It is hard to observe the well-developed drainage system in the Neolithic period, as most of these sites exist in arid areas. The remains of the gabarbands, check dams, khushkaba, and sailaba systems in the nearby valleys of the Mehrgarh settlements prove that they had a well canal and irrigation system in the entire area for the cultivation of food and cash crops (cotton, burnt rice, wheat, and barley). Because, from each gabarband, check dam, khushkaba, and sailaba, there are a number of outlet channels that represent a clue of canals to the agricultural fields near the archaeological sites of Bolan Pass, as well as Kalli Gull Muhammad. The Mehrgarh civilization was flourishing in the hilly areas and a plain strip of mountains in Balochistan during ca. 7000–2500 BC, with major archeological sites such as Kalli Gull Muhammad, Bolan Pass, Charsadda, Takht Bhai, and Udigram having complete knowledge of sanitation, canal systems, the construction of water dams, wells, and water tanks, agriculture, trade, sewers, and business systems. The developed structure of that culture then appeared in the shape of the Harappan Civilization, under which the application of neolithic hydrological management techniques reached its culmination.

=== '''Harappan Wasserluxus: Epitome of Proto-Historic Hydromanagement''' ===
Harappan people utilized a well-defined set of ideas regarding human life and culture to distinguish themselves from other people. Physical and symbolic aspects of water were an integral part of Indus philosophy, which can be identified as "Harappan Wasserluxus." Derived from the German word, the Harappan Water Splendor was reflected in architecture (via various water management and sanitation systems) and religion approximately 4000 years ago (Posehll, 2002)23. As seen at Dholavira (underground water reservoirs) and Mohenjo-daro (the Great Bath), where there were numerous wells, elaborate drainage systems, and bathing facilities in every home, water management was essential to Harappan cities. Each dwelling's bathing facilities represent the significance of washing and cleanliness (physically as well as symbolically). Numerous wells provided the pure water necessary for effective sanitation. The drainage system, on the other hand, moved effluent away from houses and out of harm's way through a brick channel that prevented contamination of the ground and city. The great bath of Mohenjo-Daro, which was elevated and suggested cleanliness, demonstrates that bathing was accorded an opulent position. Mohenjodaro was an ideological hub that reflected Indus nihilism, urban wasserluxus, and diversity. The disappearance of wasserluxus coincided with the decline of the mature phase of the Harappans, suggesting a connection between the two. The connection between wasserluxus and cities is also evident in Dholavira and Lothal, where a sophisticated year-round water harvesting system and dockyard, respectively, were given priority. From a pragmatic perspective, Water sustains human, plant, and animal life. Symbolically, it was associated with concepts of purity and pollution, as clean and fresh water was provided by wells while dirty, polluted water was discharged through drains. Even the grand bath may be a unique location for the ablutions of elites. The symbolic aspect can be better comprehended by analyzing the significance of water in Harappan religion. According to John Marshall, the Harappan religion possessed an abstract sanctity for water. As the practice of religion and the demand for rituals led to universal arrangements for bathing and drainage, water became revered and of great importance in daily life. The Harappan philosophy of wasserluxus was also reflected in its architecture. The construction of brick-lined wells was a prominent feature of Harappan cities. Mohenjo-daro contained more than 700 wells, while Lothal, Harappa, and Chanhuodro also contained a sizeable number. The baked bricks supported the soil, prevented erosion and cave-ins, and supplied clean, sweet water with minimal sediment and contaminants. When the original platforms of cities like Mohenjo-daro were constructed, they were meticulously maintained, resulting in continuity of well location over stratigraphic accumulation. The area served by wells was nearly equidistant, providing citizens with equitable access to water, particularly in lower town. Initially, wells were privately owned, but as the population grew, public wells became a necessity. In the Harappan home, a carefully paved room was discovered with a deep depression and grooves on the well's inside coping, as well as an occasional low brick platform for seating, indicating the room's communal nature. Similar to the wells, the drainage system was particularly remarkable in Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Kalibangan, Nausharo, Chanuhudaro, Allahidino, Dholivira, and Lothal. There were provisions for water management within dwellings, including intra-mud drains, vertical drain pipes in walls, chutes through walls to streets, and drains from bathing platforms to streets. Throughout the transitional period, drains appeared (early 3rd millennium BCE). In Allahdino, there are drains made of stone as well as those made of baked bricks. Some drains had a gypsum and lime plaster base with baked bricks on the sides. Specially shaped bricks were used to create the rounded corners of drains, while mud mortar was used to ensure the structural integrity of the drain. Given that drains were typically located on the sides of streets, the majority of drains had brick or stone covers. Normal baked bricks were laid horizontally, while wider drains were covered with limestone blocks quarried frequently from Rohri Hills (in the case of Mohenjodaro). With an average depth of 46 to 60 centimeters and regular settling pools and traps, coarse sediments and other materials were allowed to settle out of the flow, which was periodically collected. Extra-long bricks were used to cover larger drains or culverts. Also, one of the earliest examples of a corbelled arch used for culverts, the largest of which can be seen at Great Bath, has been discovered. The water in the street was collected by brick-lined cesspits and clay jars placed along the street. As the water was polluted and filthy, it was expelled from the home, establishing a close relationship with the wasserluxus philosophy of Harappa. The bathing facilities demonstrated an additional level of sophistication in water management. There were special bathing platforms (approximately 1.5 m square and rectilinear in shape), paved with bricks that had been meticulously prepared and set at right angles with a smoothed surface. In addition, elevated rims with brick courses surrounded the platforms. The surface of the bathroom platforms was slightly slanted toward a corner so that water could escape the bathing area via the drain. They were slopped with very smooth ground down to form a seamless surface, with lime plaster and brick dust often used for polishing. We discovered interesting artifacts at Lothal and Kalibangan in addition to Mohenjodaro. In Lothal, thirteen bathroom platforms were discovered in a high mound that was most likely a public facility, whereas in Kalibangan, the earliest examples of terracotta bathroom tiles with geometrical designs were discovered. In the course of a recent investigation, flushing mechanisms were frequently discovered in privies.

Thus, it is clear from the excavations that the Harappans were masters of water management; however, to get a deeper insight, we can have an overview of three monumental water management structures that might require the utilization of state resources.

=== '''Dholavira: An Aqua City''' ===
Archaeological excavations of the ancient city have uncovered fortified water conservation systems, frequently exhibiting advanced architectural craftsmanship. Archaeological excavations of the ancient city have uncovered fortified water conservation systems, frequently exhibiting advanced architectural craftsmanship (Harish, 2009)12.

The city of Dholavira was built between two streams in a way to fully capture the water that would flow into them after every rain. Water from the Mansar, the northern stream, was first led through a channel to a set of reservoirs along the northern perimeter of the city. The harnessing of the Manhar, the southern stream, can probably be dated to the time of the original establishment of the citadel. To the south of the citadel, there is a series of five discernible tanks, which have now been largely excavated. Of these tanks, the most impressive is the one immediately towards the east of the citadel. Measuring almost 75 m north-south and 30 m east-west, it had a triple stepped basin that was over 10 m deep at its maximum. These are thought to have actually been two larger tanks with a levee in between. The more elaborate unit further to the west was highly skilled rock cutting work. In the citadel, flat surfaces, including the tops of the fortification walls, were utilized for their rainwater runoff. It is estimated that the wide fortification wall directed runoff towards channels built within the wall itself. These channels are of unexpectedly large sizes, large enough for a person to walk inside them. There was also a small, stepped cascade on the east wall, which fed the channel in the center. These series of tanks were interconnected with either masonry or rock cut drains depending on the location. Presumably, these drains formed an overflow system such that each tank could be filled up after the preceding one was full. These hydraulic facilities provided the inhabitants of Dholavira with a year round supply of fresh water, even in a desert (Bisht, 2002)6

=== '''Lothal: The World's First Dockyard''' ===
In addition to walls, platforms, wells, drains, and paved bathing platforms, which are the typical water management system of Harappan cities, S.R. Rao identified a monumental brick-lined enclosure as the Dockyard. It is hypothesized that Lothal engineers studied the effects of tidal movements on brick-built structures, as the walls are composed of kiln-fired bricks. This knowledge also allowed them to select Lothal's location, as the Gulf of Khambhat has the greatest tidal amplitude and ships can pass through the river estuary's flow tides. A second inlet is provided on the opposite side of the main inlet, which is 12.8 meters (42 feet) in width. On the exterior wall faces, offsets were installed to counter the thrust of the water. At high tide, the water flow would have permitted ships to enter. Provision was made for the outflow of excess water via the outlet channel on the southern arm's uppermost point. Throughout their time, the city was subjected to numerous floods and storms. Docks and city perimeter walls were effectively maintained. The vociferous reconstruction of the city ensured the expansion and prosperity of the trade (Rao,1979)25.

=== '''Mohenjodaro: The Great Bath''' ===
The Great Bath was part of what appears to have been a vast hydropathic establishment and the most imposing of all the remains unearthed at Mohenjo-daro. Its plan is simple: an open quadrangle with verandahs on its four sides, a large swimming pool sunk 8 feet below the paving of the court, and a flight of steps at either end. The walls of the bathing pool were uniformly 1.36 meters thick and made waterproof by a regular lining of bitumen (tar) 2.4 centimeters thick. A drain was found in the southwest corner inside the bath. This was a hole in the brick facing that goes through two baked-brick walls and an intervening packing of clay. The end of the drain has been removed by erosion of the western edge of the mound and cannot be traced. Marshall proposes that the impressive corbelled arch of the bath drain "may have served as a secret exit in times of need." It was surrounded by a colonnade, seven across the width and ten along each side, with a roof that would have opened to the sky along with drains for the disposal of dirty water (Jansen, 1989)15.

=== '''Vedic Varuna: Vedic References of Hydro-management''' ===
During the Vedic period, it was understood how to collect water from undulating hilly terrain and transport it through canals to distant areas. Numerous verses in the Rigveda indicate that agriculture can be advanced by using water from wells and ponds, and it is mentioned that Ribhus or an engineer constructed artificial canals to irrigate desert areas. It also emphasizes the efficient use of water; that is, water obtained from various sources such as wells, rivers, rain, and any other sources on earth should be used efficiently, as it is a gift from nature, for the benefit of all. The Rigveda also contains references to irrigation by wells, canals (the word "kulya" in the Rigveda), and canal excavation. In Patanjali's Mahabhasya (150 BCE), the term "kulya" is also used. Interestingly, "asma-cakra" is mentioned in the Rigveda (a wheel made of stones). A leather strap was used to raise water in a pail using the wheel. There is also mention of "Ghatayantra" or "Udghatana" (a wheel in the shape of a drum), around which a pair of endless ropes with ghata (earthen pots) were tied at equal distances. On the basis of evidence from Indian texts written around 350 BCE, the "Noria" was developed in India around the fifth or fourth century BCE, and the knowledge was transmitted to the west by the first century BCE and to China by the second century AD. Yajurveda states that those who use rainwater for navigation, recreation, agriculture, etc. via rivers, wells, and canals will be always prosperous. Atharvaveda instructs the king to construct suitable canals across mountains to supply water for agriculture and other purposes. The chronology of Rigveda and Vedic texts makes the material evidence for Vedic water management debatable, despite the abundance of literary references. According to traditional historiography, it dates to the middle of the second millennium BCE, making it post-Harappan. According to the research of B.B. Lal and Mark Kenoyer, there were numerous similarities between the Vedic and Harappan cultures, which led to the theory that they were the same culture. Dilip Chakrabarti has a different interpretation of the similarities; he believes that the Rigvedic period can be dated to the 5th or 6th millennium BCE, while the Vedic period represents successive millennia. Thus, it is plausible, based on recent research that numerous references to various types of water management techniques in Vedic texts refer to various types of Harappan hydro management techniques and systems discovered during archaeological excavations. Nevertheless, despite the disputed chronology, it can be asserted that the significance of water management in Rigvedic culture was immense and that water was accorded divine status.

=== '''Early Historic Period and Classical Period: Second Urbanization and Age of Epics''' ===
During the 2nd millennium BCE, Harappan urbanization gave way to Gangetic ruralization as a result of devolution and localization. Nevertheless, despite the decline of cities, hydro management knowledge survived in various forms, albeit on a limited scale. During Period II (1400 BCE–1000 BCE) at Inamgaon of the Jorwe culture, channels were discovered in the courtyards of houses to drain rainwater from roofs, as well as an embankment with a channel used for irrigating the surrounding fields. In the first half of the first millennium BCE, there were indications of a second urbanization that spanned the entire Indian subcontinent. In the north, it took the form of 16 Mahajanpadas and then the Pax Maurya, whereas in the far south, in the Tamilakam region, it marked the beginning of the Sangam era.

Agriculture and livestock rearing occupied a prominent role during the Upnishadhic, Jainism and Buddhist periods (600 BCE), and channel irrigation was in vogue. Field embankments were constructed surrounding the fields to increase water holding capacity at strategic points with sluice gates to harness river water with proper regulation facilities (Arthashastra), and irrigation through conduits was in practice to deliver water to the irrigation field for attaining higher efficiency. Literature suggests that a large number of hydraulic structures (dams, canals, and lakes) were built during the Mauryan period in the Indo-Gangetic Plain and other parts of the country for irrigation and drinking purposes. In ancient times, wells and tanks were the popular sources of irrigation. The general pattern of irrigation seems to have been the same in post-Maurya times as in subsequent times in India, namely by wells, tanks, canals, and rivers. Archeological excavations have brought to light several terracotta ring-wells belonging to the period 600–200 B.C (Sharma, 1957)29. These have been found at Hastinapura, New Delhi, Rupar, Ujjain, Mathura, and Nasik." While some of these ring-wells served as sonkage pits, others were used as real wells; this was certainly the case with brick wells, for instance, the one that was found at Ujjain. In Astadhyayi of Panini (4th BCE), we find the word Kupa for wells. At around 500 BCE, the city of Ujjain was also provided with a sophisticated drainage system, having soak pits built of pottery rings or pierced pots. In Taxila around 300 BCE, a very similar drainage system to that of Mohenjo-Daro was in place (Singh, Dey, Jain, and Mujumdar, 2020)30.

By the beginning of 300 BCE, a firm administrative setup due to centralized Mauryan state had taken shape. The Kautiliya Arthasästra (c.300 BCE) emphasizes the importance of irrigation works by mentioning them as sources of crops. For everlasting benefits like excellent rainfall, water from irrigation is also equally beneficial. Another passage from Arthasăstra, while stating the attribute of a good country, highlights the importance of irrigation and not depending upon mere rainwater. Many of these structures were equipped with spillways as a safety measure against large, incoming floods. During the Mauryan Empire (400–184 BCE), the emperor Chandragupta Maurya constructed the Sudarsana dam in Girnar, Junagadh, Gujarat. Subsequent structural improvements involved the addition of conduits during the reign of Asoka the Great by his provincial governor, the "Yavana Administrator (Greek Administrator)," Tusaspha (Kielhorn, In an excavation conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) during 1951–1955, in Kumhrar (the site of ancient Pataliputra), which is a few miles south of Patna, Bihar, "a canal 45 feet broad, 10 feet deep, and traced up to the length of 450 feet" was found, possibly belonging to the Mauryan period. The canal was linked with the "Son River" and also with the "Ganges" for navigation purposes and also for providing irrigation to the adjoining area (Jain, 1991)14.

As recognition of the high position accorded to agriculture by the rulers as well as the people at large, the construction of tanks and other types of reservoirs was considered an act of religious merit. Here the religious merit indicates "the welfare and wellbeing of the society." The Arthashastra mentions that "he (the King) shall construct reservoirs (setu) filled with water, either perennial or drawn from some other source." "Or he may provide sites, roads, timber, and other necessary things to those who construct reservoirs of their own accord." The Arthashastra of Kautilya gives us an idea of the principles and methods of management of irrigation systems. That the Mauryan kings took keen interest in the irrigation schemes is borne out by the report of Megasthenes (a Greek traveler), who mentions a group of officers responsible for supervising the rivers, measuring the land as is done in Egypt, and inspecting the sluices through which the water is released from the main canals into their branches so that everyone may have an equal supply. The Sudarshan lake and Sanchi dam system would have been built on the basis of a sound knowledge of the principles of water balance with detailed hydrological investigations and by "engineers with experience of reservoir irrigation" with a higher level of understanding of hydraulic technology.

Similarly, the Ahar–Pyne system of the Mauryan Empire is an excellent example of a hydraulic structure. The Pynes are constructed as channels to utilize the river water flowing through the hilly regions, whereas the Ahars are catchments with embankments on three sides to store rainwater and the water from the Pynes. The Pynes feed many Ahars, and several distributaries are then constructed from both Pynes and Ahars for irrigating the field. The Ahar–Pyne system also works as a preventive mechanism for floods, as the catchments are designed to store excess rainwater.

Also, Arthashstra mentions Strotayantra, which must have been a kind of hydraulic machine with a wheel and buckets. The term "rahata," which is commonly used for a Persian wheel in India, is mentioned in the Gathasaptashati. In this context, it may be mentioned that symbols on the reverse of some early Andhra coins from Kolhapur have been taken to represent the waterwheels used for irrigation. A Nasik inscription of the same period refers to a guild of odayantrikas, "workers fabricating hydraulic engines." The exact nature of these machines may not be known, but the fact that considerable progress was made in the technology of lift irrigation during the Mauryan and post-Mauryan periods cannot be denied. And this progress was achieved not by the state bureaucrats but by the independent guilds of tank builders and machine makers. Kautilya mentions four different methods of "setting water into motion for the land to be irrigated." It can be believed that the methods were graded by him on the basis of their efficiency. Udghatam might have referred to the method of lifting water from tanks, wells, etc. with the help of a long bamboo balanced on a lever, with a heavy load on one end and a bucket on the other, while strotayantrapravartim referred to a kind of hydraulic machine. The solitary reference to the dam at Junagadh and to a canal in Kalinga are indicative of more stress on tanks and wells, which, on account of the technological progress attained in the lift irrigation system, must have been quite effective (Bhattacharya, 2012)5.

Besides, there is the epigraphic record of Ashoka about the construction of wells at every kos along the roads and the establishment of numerous drinking places. Thus, the existing archaeological evidence suggests that, in the Maurya period and the two centuries succeeding it, wells and especially rings Wells were constructed in sufficient numbers, but how far they were used for purposes of irrigation is not known. The fact that Asoka established drinking places (apana) in addition to wells might indicate that wells were also used for irrigation.

In ancient India, irrigation was conducted by such minor works as wells, tanks, ponds, etc., which did not require either the mobilization of labor on a large scale or a super-powerful bureaucracy to organize and manage them. These works were owned and maintained by local people, individually or collectively. The state enterprise in irrigation was only marginal and largely confined to the settlement of disputes that might arise among neighbors over the distribution of water.

In addition to the Indus-Saraswati and Gangetic valleys, we discovered an advanced level of ancient hydrological management in the Tamilakam region during the Sangam Age (c. 300 BCE–c. 300 CE), which reached its final form during the reign of the imperial Cholas and was continued by the mediaeval Vijayanagara-Nayak dynasties. Tolkappium is regarded as the first text to define the grammatical form of the Tamil language. Poets and bards of this age named these regions based on their hydro-geological characteristics: Kurunji (mountains), Mullai (forest), Marutham (agricultural land), and Neithal (coastal area). The agricultural region known as "Marutham" is associated with rivers, wells, ponds, and tanks. In "Thirukkural," immediately following the first ten couplets discussing the greatness of the world's Creator, the author devotes the next ten couplets to "rain" and demonstrates that rain is essential for the sustenance of life. It can be inferred that irrigated agriculture was practiced in this region of the country during the Sangam period, when the majority of the population pursued the prestigious profession of farming. The Grand Anicut, across the river Cauvery, 16 kilometers east of the city of Tiruchirapalli, is by far the most significant irrigation structure constructed by King Karikala Chola during the second century AD. This "anicut," as it was later dubbed, is truly magnificent in that it is possibly the world's oldest hydraulic structure built on a permeable foundation that is still operational at the head of the Cauvery delta. The amount of water taken from rivers and reservoirs through canals and tanks was, of course, measured in relation to the flow period, with the flow period determining the share of each farmer. Being a river with unreliable water supplies, the Vaigai contains hundreds of tanks in the Madurai and Ramanathapuram districts. These tanks appear to have existed under Pandyan rule and were most likely constructed in stages by the kings and chieftains. These tanks rely on their own catchments, with some receiving additional water from the river. "Madurai Kanci" is a literary work that provides a vivid description of the Pandyan nation during the reign of PandyanNedunchezian. The title also refers to a number of water lifting devices used in tank irrigation. The Sangam classic "Paripadal" contains a poem on the river Vaigai (Poem 20) that describes how the fresh and flooding waters of the river within the Madurai fort swelled up to the height of the city's walls and poured down the fort walls through openings that resembled the pouring of water mixed with blooming flowers by enormous male elephants with their trunks raised in worship. According to the passages in "Paripadal," the river Vaigai was viewed as a mighty river prone to frequent flooding, and several water-heads and sluices were built to control and regulate it. Beginning in the eighth century, Pandyan records reveal an abundance of sluices and river channels constructed around Madurai for irrigation purposes. In the Chera and Noyyil regions, the chiefs took the most initiative, in contrast to the Pandyan and Chola centralized states. ThagadurAdhigaman ruled over portions of the present-day Salem and Dharrnapuri districts and introduced the use of feeding channels for sugarcane cultivation. His virtues have been praised by the Tamil poetess Avvayar. His time period may have occurred around the third century AD (Mohanakrisnan, 2001)21

We also find reference to different types of artificial water storage techniques in epics like the Mahabharata and Ramayana, which, although based on certain historical events from the early 1st millennium BCE, were composed between 200 BCE and 200 AD. In the Ramayana, Kosala is lauded for being adevamatka, i.e., independent of rainfall. In the Mahabharata's Sabhaparva, Narada asks Yudhisthira if the kingdom's reservoirs, lakes, etc. are constructed at the appropriate distances for agricultural purposes. According to Manusmrti (second century A.D.), the king's responsibility is to construct irrigation systems. Additionally, the Dharmasütras of Visnu and Vasistha mention the construction of such works. Various Tirthas are mentioned in the Mahabharata (Anusasanaparvan 25.26), which is entirely devoted to the construction of Tirthas in Marwar. After the significance of irrigation works has been established, the next phase or principle in the management of water is the application of irrigation techniques. The water made accessible through various irrigation works is to be used for a variety of controlled purposes. This is another water management principle. It is to be offered for human consumption. There are references to Prapa in the Mahabharata (Santiparvan) as well. The Mahabharata's thirteenth parvan devotes an entire chapter to the usefulness of jaladana. Water must also be given to animals. A controlled water supply is required for plant growth. Each crop has a unique set of needs that vary during its growth cycle. The literal translation of Kusula (Mahabhaya), however, reveals this regulated water supply. It indicates that each paddy plot was surrounded by a dyke, which served two purposes: water supply regulation and inundation (wash-out) of the next field. Arjuna quenched the thirst of arrow-bed-lying Bhisma by penetrating the ground and creating a spring with his archery skills. This is an example of both controlled water supply and management of etc. for those constructing irrigation- subterranean water works. He also mentions peasant association irrigation work. It is appropriate to mention the interpretation of the Bhagiratha narrative here. His bringing the Ganges to earth is interpreted as diverting the east-flowing (i.e., toward Tibet) Ganges to flow southward using engineering techniques, thereby fertilizing the North Region, Also in Manusmrti, some expiation is prescribed for such an offense. The same passage states that those who do not assist the king when the river is being prepared or the dyke, etc., is being damaged by bandits should be exiled . Although we have very scant archaeological evidence for large scale water works done by the state or any organization during this period due to a lack of exploration and lesser excavation in the densely populated Gangetic plains, in which many ancient sites are still inhabited, one exception is the site of Sringverapura, where exploration and excavation were done on a larger scale (Date,2008)9

Sringaverapura is believed to have derived its name from the sage Rishyasringa, who is thought to have had his asrama (hermitage) here (Lal, 1992)19. The place features again in the Ramayana story, rather prominently, since it was here that Rama was ferried across the Ganga by the local Nishädachieftain, Guha. By the beginning of Period IV, i.e., in the second century B.C., it had reached its maximum extant, as indicated by the fact that remains from that period are practically all over the mound, which was excavated by B.B. Lal, who also found a large tank of monumental scale.

=== '''The Sringverapura Tank''' ===
The Sringverapura tank is one of the most spectacular instances of an ancient Indian water tank. It was discovered in Mathura, in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (formerly known as Uttar Pradesh), and was filled with water from the Ganges via a conduit. The Feeding Channel was formed by severing the nullah's banks and redirecting excess water into a specially dug channel. The feeding canal was roughly 11 meters wide at the top but just 3 meters wide at the bottom because of its landing sides. The water from the Feeding Channel entered a silting chamber, which was not in a direct line with the Feeding Channel but to its side, causing the water to lose some of its force before entering the chamber. In addition, the bottom of the silting chamber was approximately higher than the bottom of the feeding channel. This increase in the bottom level prevented a substantial amount of silt and other debris from entering the silting chamber. The water from the silting chamber entered the brick tank, whose several sections are labeled A, B, and C on the design. Before the Inlet Channel, there is a stepped ledge through which water goes from the silting chamber to Tank A. This stepped ledge was quite effective at halting the onslaught of the rushing water. The bottom of the inlet channel was similarly higher than the bottom of the silting chamber. This configuration prevented the silt in the bottom portion of the silting chamber's water column from entering Tank A and lowered the water thrust. Water cascaded down a series of steps, entering a larger area before reaching the ground. Such measures were taken so that the raging river water was calmed before it could even reach the floor of the first sector of the Brick Tank. A vertical wrapping approach with a set of three retaining walls sloping against the natural soil in Tank A This was done to prevent the walls from collapsing under the force of the incoming water. If there had been a single vertical wall as opposed to many sloping and terraced walls, the structure would have been more susceptible to the thrust. In addition, a horizontal wrapping technique was utilized, in which tank A gradually widened as it moved away from the inlet channel. This was done to permit the horizontal distribution of incoming water. Its base dips toward the south, which is opposite the Inlet Channel. The effect was that any remaining silt in the water was transported to the southern bank and permitted to settle there. In the south-east corner, a staircase was installed to periodically remove this silt. During the summer, when the water level would have been lower, it would have been most convenient to perform this task. To ensure that only pure water reached tank B, a linking tunnel was constructed higher than tank A. This portion of the tank complex served as the primary source of drinking water. Tank C, which will be discussed shortly, was smaller and appears to have been utilized for religious purposes as opposed to supplying water. Similar to the top of Tank A, a series of cascading steps, vertical and horizontal wrapping techniques, and a slightly elevated floor were utilized. Regarding the level of water kept in the tank complex, it was dependent on the base level of the Inlet channel, as any excess water over that level would have returned after the flood receded. All of this must have been sufficient for the time from September to June when there was no input. If this ran out, the water in Tank A, which was not as clean as that in Tanks B and C, would have also been used. In this context, it must be mentioned that the water from this tank complex was not intended for the entire town's inhabitants, but only for those who resided nearby. For others, particularly those who lived within a reasonable distance of the river, the river must have remained a convenient source of food. The hydraulic engineers also considered the possibility of evaporation, particularly in the post-winter months beginning in April. So as to overcome the probable scarcity, they devised an alternative device. In the tank's base, they dug wells that connected to the subsoil water. The pressure mechanism indicates that as the water table in the tank dropped, the subsoil-water wells must have become increasingly active. While the provision of sub-soil-water wells in the bed of the tank automatically guarded against water loss through downward seepage, the bricks of the retaining walls were extremely close together, leaving little passage for water, and the natural soil behind these walls was hard and compact, absorbing very little water. Since Tank B was the primary source of water, staircases were installed along its sides at regular intervals to allow people to access the water level and retrieve it. The water entering Tank B was extremely pure. Therefore, no stepping-up mechanism was deemed necessary in the canal connecting Tank B and Tank C. This waterway, unlike the Inlet Channel and Interconnecting Channel, was sufficiently wide and was definitely utilized for water retrieval and related activities, as evidenced by the staircases that fell into it. Tank C stands alone due to its circular design. An intriguing feature is the staircase that began at the then-ground level in the east, wound to the west and south, and fell all the way down with several landings in between. The presence of a considerable number of terracotta figures of gods and goddesses in Tank C, some in the lower deposits but the majority in the detritus, suggests that religious structures once stood nearby. Only parts of the clay statues were available. However, they can be identified as sections of the figures of Kubera, Shiva, and Parvati, among others. It is evident from this collection that Sringaverapura was a genuine religious center. Also, a well-thought-out waste weir was required to release excess water. Regarding the brick tank, Tank C was the final unit. Consequently, the surplus water had to be released via Tank C. Since the river is situated to its south, the river's outflow is organized through its southern portion. There was a set of six channels carved into the natural soil, as well as the remnants of a few bricks indicating their intentional use as overflow routes. It is evident from the preceding that the ancient hydraulic engineers who conceived and built the tank took every effort to assure its safety. This voluminous effort requires a substantial budget, a high level of technical expertise, and administrative oversight. It appears, by a process of elimination, that only a monarch with all his resources could have erected it. Circumstantial evidence suggests that the architect may have been King Dhanadeva of Ayodhya, whose territory included the location of Sringaverapura. Regardless of who constructed it, the Brick Tank unearthed in Sringaverapura is a testament to the expertise of Indian hydraulic engineers two thousand years ago (Lal, 1993)19.

=== '''Early Medieval and Later Periods: An Overview of Selected Regions''' ===
Till the 6th century CE, more or less, the image of different sorts of hydraulic techniques and their employment across the subcontinent was identical. In contrast to the second millennium BCE, however, there was no ruralization in the seventh century CE; rather, there was an increase in the number of state formations in both core and periphery regions. This resulted in what many early-modern scholars refer to as the "Third Urbanization." However, the patterns that were developing were distinct. While in Himalayan areas the settlements were tiny and most initiatives were taken by communities, further south the Cholas were solidifying their dominance and some of the major urban centers of their contemporary time were flourishing. While in the dry and semi-arid areas of Gujarat and Rajasthan, Sanskritization led to the emergence of the Rajputs and the foundation of new chiefdoms and kingdoms. This also led to the quest for new sources of legitimacy, one of which was the construction of a watershed management system for the public good. A detailed examination of Tamilakam, the Central Himalayas, and Rajasthan can assist us in better comprehending the divergent pattern.

=== '''Tamilakam: A Centralized State and Initiatives''' ===
Among the major eras of South India, the Cholas made an enormous contribution to the management of water for the kingdom's populace. During the reign of the Cholas, effective irrigation facilities were established. According to the amount of land, rules were established for water consumption so that no water is wasted. It was common, when selling or donating property, to specify in the papers which rivers, lakes, and tanks were utilised for irrigation. According to legend, Vira Rajendra Chola was important in establishing banks on both sides of the Cauvery. When it was impossible to create new rivers, the Cholas constructed enormous lakes. From Sendalai inscriptions, we learn that Parantaka sent donations to the Amankudi Jain community for the upkeep of Virasikamani Lake (AllurAlachikkudi). From the inscription, we also learn that Arambavir was given the responsibility of preserving the lake. The majority of the Kaveri River's canals, including the Uyyakondan canal, Rajendran vaykkal, and SembianMahadedegvivaykkal, are part of this system. There was a well established and effective water management system from the village level up. The rise in royal sponsorship and the number of devadana and bramadeya lands elevated the role of temples and village assemblies on the battlefield. Committees such as eri-variyam and totta-variyam were active, as were temples with their great resources of land, personnel, and money. Parantaka Chola established the Viranameri Lake at Kattumannarkoil in the South Arcot area during this time period. Even now, this lake appears to be a vital source of irrigation. In his capital city, Gangaikondacolapuram, Rajendra Chola constructed the massive Solagangam reservoir, which was characterized as "the liquid pillar of triumph." It was equipped with sluices and canals in order to irrigate the land in the surrounding districts. Madurantakam, Sundra-cholapereri, and Kundavai-Pereri are other well-known lakes from this era (named after a Chola queen). Moreover, during the Chola period, a special board was established for the upkeep of lakes across Chola territory, with members receiving wages as fees. Additionally, in order to assist the board and maintain records, officers were selected. They were compensated for their labor. Additionally, they were known as "intermediaries." For one year, they were provided with four nali paddies every day, seven Kalanju gold pieces, and one dhoti. Additionally, tax-free land and supplies were donated as gifts for the upkeep of the lakes. Additionally, a tax called the "ayam" was imposed. Rajaraja I (985–1014 C.E.) constructed several water bodies and made numerous upkeep arrangements for them. He made significant contributions by establishing several committees to examine the wellbeing of the cattle and the advancement of agriculture. Among other things, he emphasized water sharing and harvesting. From Purananuru, we learn that the monarchs who preserved the water sources would also be the people's saviors. Based on this, he constructed the Uyyakkondan canal, which was one of his titles. Thus, water management was carried out with precision. Among the numerous accomplishments of Rajaraja I, the Mayanur canals stood out. Mayanur is located on the Cauvery's southern bank, west of Kulittalai. He constructed a channel at Mayanur to provide irrigation to Palaiyur, Analai, Pulivalam, and Somarasampettai, which were located in the Trichy district on the southern bank of the Cauvery. The channel was extended to Eriyur's location and joined to it. According to the Tiruvalangadu Copper Plates, Rajendra Chola (1012–1044 CE) constructed CholaGangam, also known as Ponneri, next to Gangaikondacholapuram to commemorate his conquest of the Ganges. After he conquered the Ganges, he carried the river's water to the lake. Needed water was transported from Kollidam to Ponneri by a canal named after his father, Rajaraja I. During the Cholas' rule, these laws and regulations were amended, polished, and implemented in the harshest terms. The copper plate inscriptions of Tiruvalankatu, which date back to the sixth year of Rajendra Cholan I's reign (1018 A.D.), are among the greatest instances of water management. The land of the donated village (Devadana village) will be irrigated by canals dug in accordance with the quantity of water allocated from these canals. Others who are not tenants of Devadana properties are prohibited from cutting branches or constructing dams across waterways. Individuals and the government of India had a significant role in arranging irrigation in regions where they were responsible for a significant portion of the country's water requirements. They spent enormous sums of money desilting existing lakes, restoring old ones, and excavating new tanks to provide a consistent water supply for all the canals. Immediately after the building of lakes, several uncultivated regions were cultivated (Selvamani, 2019)28.

=== '''Himalayan Hinterland’s: Integration of Community and Nature''' ===
According to their demands, the people of the valley create water harvesting systems and use them for drinking water and irrigation.. In Kedarnath Valley, Dhara is a frequent source of drinking water. Through excavated exits, water from springs or subsurface sources is diverted out. These water sources are marvels of conventional hydraulic engineering. Some kunds have altered elaborate buildings used for bathing and laundry. In mountainous regions, a range of natural and artificial landforms or depressions are employed for glacial water storage and rainwater collection. Vasuki Tal, Chorabari Tal, Deoria Tal, Kanchani Tal, and Nandi Kund are notable lakes, while Chorabari and Panptiya are significant glaciers that were utilized in the construction of different hydraulic community projects. Archaeological findings indicate that terraced agriculture has been practiced for a millennium in the Central Himalaya (Prasad, Chandi & Sharma, 2019)24. Historically, the difficulty of irrigating the terraces was overcome by channeling water from adjacent mountain streams through Kedarnath Valley channels known as kuhls or guhls. There are two sorts of guhls: kachikuhls and pakkikuhls, both of which are constructed by locals using sand, soil, and stone. An insight into Kashmir was given by the Raja Tarangini (Kalhana) (1148 A.D.), which gives an account of the accomplishments of an engineer named Suyya in the realm of Avantivarman. To control the excess flood, he emptied vessels of dinaras into the Vitasta River. He built stone embankments for Vitasta for 7 yojanas; he brought the water of Mahapadma Lake under control. Despite the emergence of incipient imperialism among the Varmans of Kashmir or the Katyuri of the Kumaons, it was the community that contributed most to hydro management.

=== '''Rajasthan: A Combination of Community and State''' ===
There are no permanent rivers in Rajasthan; hence, the majority of water-related difficulties are dependent on weather and river changes. There are many traditional water delivery systems, such as nadi, talab, johad, bandha, sagar, and sarovar. Wells are another key source of water. Different types of wells exist in Rajasthan. Nadis are village ponds formed by erecting earthen berms around valleys' natural depressions. The Mewar area is famed for its talabs, and Udaipur is awash with them. The reservoirs come in a variety of sizes and names. These reservoirs offer both potable and agricultural water. In contrast to talabs, tanks have huge masonry walls on all four sides. They are either square or rectangular in shape and have the capacity to retain vast amounts of water. Typically, they are generated as a result of good acts performed to gain punya. Jhalara is synonymous with baoli. The earliest step wells were presumably constructed about 550 A.D. In the eighth and ninth centuries, Sagar, located in the area of Alwar, was formed as a raw lake. It was restored by Maharaja Bhakhtawar Singh Ji in 1813 and is surrounded by twelve red stone canopies. Due to the extreme changes in water supply, step wells were constructed. The Chand Baori in Abhaneri village is one of the most essential step wells in the state of Rajasthan. This stairwell comprises 3,500 stairs that gradually taper. The Raniji-ki Jharla, erected in 1699 by Rani Nathavati Ji, is the greatest example. There are worship areas on each floor of the multi-story structure(Murugesan, Amrithalingam, 2014)22. In Rajasthan, the state routinely used historic Hindu temples as a show of legitimacy by constructing or renovating new community water management works. With the emergence of public water supplies, however, these ancient reservoirs of water have diminished.

=== '''Sustainability of the Ancient Water Management System in the Modern Period''' ===
Even after the decline of rich medieval era kingdoms, many hydro management methods persisted over the middle ages and early modern centuries, despite repeated political upheavals caused by power transitions among several kingdoms and empires. In reality, a number of these polities maintained and even improved the medieval water collection infrastructure. In the north, where there existed a network of perennial Himalayan rivers with periodic floods and constant replenishment of groundwater, underground wells and baolis were favored even by the Rajput kings of the barren area. In South India, which had a semi-arid environment and low groundwater levels, a network of tanks, anicuts, and canals was constructed, and historic waterworks were often rebuilt. Continuing the legacy of the imperial Cholas, the Vijaynagara-Naiyaka dynasty adopted hydromanagement practices as one of several means of acquiring legitimacy. However, despite the expanded participation of the state in the building of several big waterworks, the management was often left to local committees and village authorities. Thus, along with corporate and public activities, there was community engagement, which was vital to the durability of these institutions across thousands of years. However, with the entrance of Britons numerous conventional institutions broke down, leading to the virtual elimination of the traditional management of waterworks. This was followed by an even more viscous trend of unplanned urbanization and unsustainable modernity (Agrawal, Narain.1997)1.

=== '''Discontinuities and Destruction during the Colonial and Modern Period''' ===
By the nineteenth century, the majority of pre-British patronage and investment networks had been dismantled, thereby eradicating various older water management strategies. In the 1830s, Sir Arthur Cotton and Major Proby Cautley made significant strides in irrigation in Southern India and Northern India, respectively. The East India Company, which by then controlled much of India, saw a huge business opportunity in irrigation and pooled the resources of many different groups. The Grand Anicut at Tanjore and the Jamuna canals in the Delhi area are being restored by a combination of philanthropy and commercial interest. The East Jamuna Canal and the Tamil Nadu canal system, both of which saw expansion and improvement in the 1820s, are the only two notable outliers. The colonial government attempted large-scale irrigation projects in the Deccan region in the hopes of immediate economic gains from water development. The "canal colonies" of Punjab, which were irrigated by a network of canals, are a shining example of successful imperial irrigation policy. Western Punjab's barren lands were transformed into fertile farmland thanks to British engineers' efforts to build a system of interconnecting irrigation canals in the 1880s. By connecting science and the colonial empire in an effort to regulate and commodify nature in order to utilise its productive powers, the history of Punjab 'canal colonies' shed light on the complicated interaction between the state, science, and nature in a colonial environment. Because of this, a massive bureaucratic apparatus was developed to oversee irrigation, which was centralized. Therefore, towards the conclusion of colonial administration, the British had proven that canal irrigation was economically feasible. Scholars like Mason have praised canal irrigation for preventing famines in India, but the performance of Indian agriculture as a result of canal irrigation has been contentious. While some believed that the Bengal famine of 1942, which killed four million people due to a lack of food, could have been avoided if not for the 'unbalanced irrigation development' that prioritized irrigation projects and investment in Punjab, Madras, and the United Provinces.

Thus, it may be stated that colonial rule altered property relationships and took ultimate control through ownership of all resources, including land, water, forests, and minerals, without an understanding of how the irrigation systems functioned. Also, communities were hit hard by a wide variety of taxes, including those on land, water, wells, subsoil, water, canals, etc. Longstanding social bonds and social cohesion were altered as a result of colonization, which shifted the economy from one based on resource collecting and food production to one centered on commodities (Dellapenna and Gupta, 2009)16. The British cleared vast areas of forest for mining coal and lumber and expanding farmland. Forests and communal irrigation systems were acquired by the state over time. Once shared amongst citizens, water is now solely the property of the state. At least since the 1860s, the government has argued that its monopoly on the nation's water supply is an inherent part of its right to exercise complete sovereignty over any and all resources within its borders. As a result, the Canal and Drainage Act of 1873 was passed in the late nineteenth century to exert authority in the public interest by stating that the government had the right to "use and manage for public purposes the water of all rivers and streams running in natural channels, and of all lakes."

By the end of nineteenth century, the majority of pre-British patronage and investment networks had been dismantled, thereby eradicating various older water management strategies. When the British implemented the raiyatwari system in 1886, tanks with a command area of 40 ha or more were given to the public works department (PWD), while smaller tanks were given to local bodies or vested in the people themselves. Because local governments lacked qualified engineers and the duties of water users were unclear, the system of farmers performing maintenance work, known as "kudimaramath” works, gradually deteriorated. Tanks became clogged, and supply and distribution channels also became clogged. The deterioration of the tank irrigation system has been a source of much debate since the mid-nineteenth century. According to the Public Works Commission's report from 1852, there was little voluntary community contribution. The upkeep of the irrigation network was completely neglected, not just on the mainland but also in Sri Lanka, and some of them were destroyed during the colonial period (Cohen and Jankarajan, 2009)7. Unplanned development and uncontrollable urbanization posed an even larger challenge to colonialism, which could be an outcome of the distinct forces of colonialism itself. Some natural and manmade activities are threatening the traditional Himalayan water resources. The main natural culprits are earthquakes and landslides, while water resources are being depleted as a result of all the road widening, hydropower projects, channels, and other development projects. Due to urbanization and industrialization, many water collection systems have fallen into neglect in recent years. Furthermore, the region's unregulated population development and lack of zoning restrictions frequently result in these historic structures being dismantled, neglected, and polluted. Furthermore, sanitation and sewage treatment must be improved and segregated from these systems; potential solutions include enhanced composting and recycling, but none of these systems are currently in place. Even with these resources, though, inaccessibility remains a hurdle. To help replenish the water harvesting system and minimize contamination, the most successful systems frequently have zoning rules or no-build zones. Unfortunately, even in areas where zoning restrictions exist, corruption and bribery can lead to illegal building and exploitation. The establishment of new zoning legislation Aside from these concerns, there is a dearth of knowledge regarding the functional and cultural value of water structures, which, when paired with the short-term financial incentive of unsustainable farming techniques, provides a burden to sustainable restoration.

=== '''Revival of Ancient Techniques: Significance and Solutions''' ===
Traditional water gathering devices have been around for generations. They have evolved by utilizing age-old wisdom and terrain knowledge accumulated over many hundreds of years. There is an urgent need to rejuvenate and revitalize these old systems, which are particularly adapted to the needs of specific places. They also serve important sociological and theological requirements of the people as well as being culturally, historically, and architecturally significant . They meet people's basic water needs, particularly in water-stressed locations like the Thar Desert and the Himalayas. Traditional water resource management is critical to preserving Kedarnath Valley's water supplies during a water crisis. It was also discovered that, despite the numerous advantages of these old gadgets, they are being phased out. There is an urgent need to take strong actions to ensure the successful maintenance and rebirth of this ancient wisdom for water resource development, conservation, and management. Even water sources that are clearly neglected and contaminated have a significant potential for restoration. Revitalization comprises both initial restoration and maintenance; without care, structures can return to their earlier states of neglect. Local organizations have proposed utilizing cultural heritage value or tourism as a secondary incentive for both initial restoration and maintenance. Additionally, increased government engagement in land conservation to minimize pollution was urged. Additionally, increased government engagement in land conservation to minimize pollution was urged. Water is one of the most important natural resources for maintaining life, and it is expected to become critically limited in the future decades due to constant increases in demand, rapid population growth, and the country's increasing economy. Variations in climatic variables, both in space and time, are to blame for India's uneven distribution of precipitation. This unequal distribution of precipitation leads to a highly uneven distribution of available water resources, both in geography and time, resulting in floods and droughts affecting large portions of the country. Flood and drought mitigation need better and more scientific structural and non-structural measures. There is a need to increase water supply while decreasing demand. To increase the availability of water resources, there is a need for better management of current storages as well as the construction of additional storages through the construction of small, medium, and large-sized dams while taking economic, environmental, and social factors into account. The availability of water resources can be increased further by rejuvenating dying lakes, ponds, and tanks and increasing the artificial means of ground-water recharge, which includes the construction of check dams. Check dams and lift irrigation schemes provided options for farmers to cultivate more than one crop per year, boosting their agricultural production and self-sufficiency in food and money. In addition to these efforts, interbasin water transfer is one approach for reducing the excess and deficit basins' difficulties. However, scientific studies must be conducted to determine the technical and economic viability of interbasin water transfer while taking into account environmental, social, and eco-hydrological factors. These are not entirely novel, as they have been tested and refined over thousands of years of Indian history. Dholavira and Sringverpura's sophisticated hydraulic systems were among the first examples of rainwater collection that simultaneously served as a flood prevention system. The Himalayan Kuhls and Guhls, together with numerous kunds and naulas, were an important example of sustainable community water management techniques. The ancient brick wells that formed during the first and second urbanizations were forerunners of the stepped wells (baolis and vavs) that emerged during the third urbanization and were later refined during medieval times in the dry Rajput principalities. While in the extreme south, three crown kingdoms of the Sangam age built a network of tanks, anicuts (dams), and channels, which was later developed by the imperial Cholas and afterwards continued by the Vijayanagara-Nayaka dynasty. Thus, there has been a continuous flow of hydraulic knowledge and tradition among generations of Indians since the origin of hydromanagement during Neolithic times. Despite a temporary halt during the colonial period, we may employ pre-existing historical water works in conjunction with modern technologies to use our water resources efficiently in a future of scarcity.

=== '''Conclusion''' ===
Water has been a crucial core factor for Indian civilization since its origin. As we have seen, this is due in part to the many distinct ecological circumstances that our ancient civilization endured, particularly with the commencement of food production approximately nine thousand years ago. The early civilization required a consistent supply of water for their crops, whether by rain or irrigation, and hence emphasized the role of river or rainstorm deities. However, even our earliest human predecessors needed quick access to water, and hence, water myths persisted through their generations, whether hunter-gatherers or agriculturalists (Witzel,2015)31. This is best shown by the importance attached to the Saraswati river, which has been given titles such as ambitame (the best of mothers), naditame (the best of rivers), and devitame (the best of goddesses) . Because of its important role in second urbanization, the divineness was transferred to Ganga once Saraswati dried. Water was and still is a major theme in creation myths and associated rites, emphasizing the strong interaction of mythical traditions with their immediate surroundings. While many of us now may not have the same direct, spiritual relationship with water because we are dependent on our industrial water supply, water is still as vital to us as it was to the Harappans. However, dramatically different during the previous two decades: the collapse of historic water management systems, as well as unregulated industry, urbanization, and climate change. India sustains one-sixth of the world's population on one-fiftieth of the world's territory and one-fiftieth of the world's water resources. To avoid a catastrophe, we must seek solutions that are technically practicable, commercially viable, socially acceptable, and environmentally sound. Water consumption, in turn, has an influence on water quality; consequently, its use must not contribute to the degradation of water quality, which may jeopardize its future availability. The integrated and coordinated development of surface water and groundwater resources, as well as their joint usage, should be planned for from the start of a project and be an intrinsic element of its execution. There is a need for appropriate management of ground-water resources, which now need suitable inputs such as labor, financial resources, technology, and so on. Improving public water supply, using energy pricing and supply to manage agricultural groundwater draught, increasing rainwater harvesting and groundwater recharge, transferring surface water in lieu of groundwater pumping, increasing economic growth and reducing reliance on agriculture, and formalizing the water sector are some of the important measures that may be implemented for the sustainable development of groundwater resources.

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The Idea of Good Governance in Ancient India with Special Reference to the Mahabharata and Thirukkural

2023-10-14T09:33:05Z

Anishg:

Authored by Amritha V.

Going by the definition of UNDP, governance in the modern conception “comprises of mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their legal obligations and mediate their differences.”

For ages, good governance has been the ideal vision for political scientists, theorists, policymakers, decision-makers and academicians. The goodness of the citizens backed by the goodness of the government has been the prima concern for any society. This demands efficiency, effectiveness, ethical, economic and equitable governance at the systems and sub-systems of the government. Just, fair and citizen-caring governance endowed by accountable and responsible government characterises a good government. Since the inception of government, good governance has been the mainstay of the evaluation of its functioning. Further, I have conceptualised the Indic models of good governance in the backdrop of the super-imposition of Western models in academic discourses. Nonetheless, Euro-centrism is not a new phenomenon. It has been swaying the scholarly works on polity and society over the past few decades. This humble attempt is driven by a motive to trace the roots of the so-called 'Western' notions in our age-old scriptures.

The unprecedented crises that we witness each day, conflicts and clashes between countries, super powers being suspicious of each other and recent reports of UNHRC on governance calls for greater responsiveness as these problems are deep-rooted and threatening our sustenance. It is at this juncture that Mahabharata and Thirukkural come to our rescue. It also becomes pertinent for us to inculcate the principles of Dharma and other virtues conveyed in the scriptures in state governance, corporate governance, educational curriculum and other spheres to revive the age-old values the Indian subcontinent is instilled in.

=== '''Idea of Good Governance in the Mahabharata''' '''(with special reference to Shantiparva)''' ===
In the ravaging war of Kurukshetra between the Pandavas and the Kauravas, after which the former gained a massive victory, Yudhishtira, the eldest among the Pandavas and the one to ascend the throne, approached Bhishma to expound the Rajadharma to him. Bhishma, who had mastered the art and science of Rajadharma, dilated it to Yudhishtira and this was incorporated in the Shanti Parva of Mahabharata. Thence, Shantiparva stands as an authoritative exposition on the origin and intent of the state, rule of law, the institution of kingship-powers and duties of the king.

The book of Shantiparva comprises 365 chapters and 13,716 verses and has three sub-parvas. They are Rajadharmanushasana Parva, Apaddharmanushasana Parva and Mokshadharma Parva. Rajadharmanushasana Parva has 130 chapters and describes the origin of state, kingship and governance. Apaddharmanushasana Parva from chapters 131 to 173 comprises 1649 verses and describes the rule of conduct at times of adversity. Mokshadharma Parva from chapters 174 to 365, with 7351 verses describes the attainment of liberation and self-realisation.

The importance attributed by Mahabharata to the origin of state and kingship is astounding. It states, “A man should first choose his king, then his wife, and only then amass wealth; for without a king in the world where would wife and property be?”

In the state of nature, under anarchy and increasing delusional tendencies among people called for the necessity to uphold dharma, protect family, property and varnashrama dharma by the king. It’s said that the very essence of kingship lies in the realisation of the king that there is nothing higher than dharma and that the well-being of the king and subjects lies in his ability to abide by it.

Bhishma accords huge importance to the coronation of the king as the prime duty of a kingdom; which otherwise would pave way for anarchy and attack by robbers. Further, he adds that the king is the incarnation of Indra on earth; thereby giving divine origin to the idea of kingship. A king is described to be the heart of people, their refuge, greatest glory and happiness. He is the delighter of people, conferrer of happiness, bestower of prosperity, healer of injuries, master of earth and guardian of men.

The discussion further on, revolves around the expositions in Shanti Parva on good governance. It comprises education of the king, his conduct; Rajadharma, accountability in administration, transparency, responsiveness, rule of law, effectiveness and efficiency and desirability of a strategic vision.

Unlike in present times, the education of the king was of paramount importance. The Adi and Anushasana Parvas of Mahabharata state that the king has to get an education in the disciplines of Nitisastra, Itihasa, Purana, Veda and Vedanga, Yuktisara (logic), Philology and Sabdasastra (grammar), music, allied arts and military sciences. He must study the scriptures and also live in the company of reputed teachers to employ his mental faculties.The text also necessitates knowledgeable counsel and advisers for the king.

The proverb ‘No Rajah; No Praja’ defines the desirability of a king. The code of conduct ascertained that means of livelihood and laws of morality are upheld in the kingdom. The vivid example of reign under Duryodhana narrates how non-adherence to the code of conduct brings a moral crisis between the people and the government. King enriched the virtues of the people. An account in the Udyoga Parva mentions that the good conduct of the king fetches him assistance from his allies and other wheels of state to remain strong.

Bhishma gives an account of 36 virtues that the king must relentlessly practise. These virtues such as performing duties without malice, earning wealth without persecution and cruelty, seeking pleasure without attachment, being pure, liberal and so on, seek to establish dharma in all facets of kingship and statecraft. Further, it’s said that the king who is crowned with all accomplishments, and good conduct, is righteous, humble and self-controlled, able to keep his passions under control and is not enquiring but countenancing; never loses prosperity. Administration of justice, keeping his conduct straightforward and abiding by the expedients of concealing his shortcomings, ascertaining the loophole of his enemies and keeping his allies and associates close would also bring him prosperity.

The king has to be Dandavid to ensure that lawlessness doesn’t prevail in the territory. His conduct must always follow a middle pathand should seek the art of loving his subjects. The king must possess discipline entailing the virtues of universal love, compassion, charity and performance of acts for the welfare of others. It was also important for him to realise the Trivarga-Dharma, Artha and Kama.

Raja dharma was pertinent to state administration and an essential element in ensuring justice, peace and prosperity for the subjects. Such a kingdom, where Rajadharma is upheld was called Dharmarajya and the ruler was titled Dharmaraj. To sum up, Rajadharma is in protecting righteousness and slaying the wicked.

The duties of the king enlisted in the Rajadharma Parva very much resonate with the idea of accountability. Safeguarding the law and order of the country was among the chief duties of the king. He also had the Dharmic duty to protect all varnas.

The king is to keep a watch on the appointed officials who could be troublesome to the people. His welfare duties amplify the commitment towards social justice and the happiness of the masses. He has to support the weaker sections of the society-the poor, aged, orphans, widows, handicapped and the sanyasis. The officers designated with the task of overlooking local administration acted as the wings of the centre, to ensure accountability.

There were innumerable ways through which transparency was brought about in the polity and statecraft. There were also certain instruments to keep the authority of the king under check. The reign of the king commenced with an oath ceremony; which he was morally bound to respect. Concerning the origin of the state in Shantiparva, Raja Prthu ascends the throne by promising to ensure happiness in the state and be mindful of his duties and responsibilities.

The religious and spiritual sanctions kept the king abreast of the injunctions in Dharmashastras he is bound to abide by. His ministers had a significant role in advising him in his functional duties and the formulation of policies. The 59th chapter of Shantiparva that states; the king is always under the other’s control (parantantra) and never independent (swantantra) captures the institution of checks and balances which existed then. The departments are to be headed by ministers who are attributed portfolios. For instance, under the reign of Yudhishtira, Sanjaya was appointed the minister of finances, Nakula to keep a check on the forces, Phalguna to resist hostile forces, and Arjuna headed the ministry of striking command.These ministers supplemented by functionaries collectively constituted the decision-making body and its implementation.

About any issues; financial matters, in particular, the king sought the advice of concerned departments. He had no right to collect taxes at his whim and nor could he use them without the consent of the respective minister. Similarly, even though the king headed the judiciary, he had no right to interfere and influence the judicial procedure. Apart from this, like in modern times, there were pressure groups and interest groups that exerted considerable influence on the policies relating to industry and taxation. The Shanti Parva and Sabha Parva make references with regard to the guilds which exercised influence over the king’s authority and kept his decisions under check.

To ensure responsiveness, the king must be well aware of the dangers pervading the kingdom and the means to remove them.The ordinary rules are to be suspended at times of emergency. The Shanti Parva describes that the king must save the people from distress and aid with his money. In an outbreak of war, if the government is met with a crisis, financial measures have to be adopted. The king should impose extra tax only after assuring the people of the crisis. The king should even go forth to forge a treat with the enemy for the sake of saving lives. The Parva also discusses how pertinent it is for the king to maintain the treasury.

Ensuring rule of law was much needed to erase anarchy or ‘Matsya Nyaya’; big fish devouring the small fish. Dandaniti is the science of chastisement. According to Bhishma, the destruction of Dandaniti would pave way for the disappearance of three Vedas and the duties of four varnas would get muddled. It is in the fear of punishment, that people do not kill each other and cause instability of Rajadharma. Non-observance of Danda plunges everything into darkness. Of all four ends of life, Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha, Dharma is regarded as human justice. Artha comprises the means that cater to worldly prosperity. Kama refers to pleasure-seeking urges in men while Moksha is the highest end of life.

Bhishma describes the four sources of law viz; Devasammat, ArshaSrota, Lok Sammat and Sanstha Sammat. The robust judicial administration ensured timely justice to the grieved; as justice delayed was believed to pave way for evils in society. It also advocates capital punishment to uphold virtuousness among individuals. The king has to be impartial while imparting justice or taking action against the violators of Dharma and has to renounce favouritism to his close associates.The examples from that of the kings Janaka of Mithila and Sagara of Ayodhya who inflicted punishments on their sons for violating Dharma are epitomes of beholders of justice and the rule of law. At the same time, it is also advocated that the judicial staff must reflect before sentencing and the punishment sentenced must always be in proportion to the crime committed. It also emphasises striking the right balance between harsh, capital punishments and otherwise. This makes sure that innocent relatives of a criminal are never punished in the name of a crime. Bhishma underscores that the king who uses danda according to his whims and fancies would ‘go to hell’.

Effectiveness and efficiency in the administration could be brought about through a counsel ingrained with values of compassion, ethics, integrity, reliability, reason, justice and knowledge. The coterie of advisers to the king who is appointed to look into the day-to-day affairs of the kingdom must be effective and efficiency-driven. The king is told to give due consideration to the advice of ‘purohits’, who are committed to bringing the king on to the right path. These Brahmanas, who were wise, humble and of noble birth, were intelligent and knew Vedas and the sacred texts. The purohits and rajpurohits catered to the overall development of the kingdom and also ensured that the government is steadfast to morality and ethics.

Shanti Parva also entails strategic vision in the functioning of the king and the council. King was to invoke totalitarian powers whenever required. However, these powers do not make the king omnipotent. Though the king is powerful, Shantiparva strikes down an oppressive king and sanctions the subjects to revolt against one who fails to discharge his duties. In places, Mahabharata allows for revolt against a king, stating that a king who fails to ensure the protection of people is no king and that he should be killed like a mad dog. Hence, in Mahabharata, we see an equilibrium of political obligation and monarchy. Even in the era of absolute monarchy, it’s astounding how political obligation has a generous concern. Contemporary theorists of political obligation, such as T.H Green and Harold Laski recognize how Mahabharata underscores the right of citizens to resist unjust laws and empowers them to remove such a ruler who acts contrary to the well-being of people.

The precepts in the Shantiparva are in lines of ‘SarvajanaSukhinoBhavantu’. Unlike now, the idea of good governance was implicit in kingship then as the king had a threefold obligation to governance; political, moral and social. This brings us to a claim that kinship in ancient India is ‘benevolent and paternalistic-bound’ because of a prolonged compilation of instructions of service that the king has to abide by.

Throughout the discourse, more apparently, the importance accorded to Dharma was profound. Mahabharata specifies ‘dharma vihina, pashubhisamana’; meaning without Dharma, a man is no different from an animal. Dharma seeps into the idiosyncratic problems of the state as an ethical and political agency. As Peter Hill notes, it is driven by the efficacy of individual action and freedom. As apparent in Mahabharata, dharma triggered the rise and fall of kingdoms as and when digressions in dharma took place.

Further, when Yudhishtira asks Bhishma about the path of a king who is abandoned by allies and left in distress with a depleted treasury and no resources to follow, Bhishma advises of ‘apaddharma’. Bhishma speaks of two complementary sides of the same coin of dharma; the one for the capable to abide by and the other for the one in distress. Protection of dharma calls for some amount of adharma and diversion from universal dharma. But then, does this cater to mischief and turn away from Matsya Nyaya? To this, Bhishma answers that even the path of adharma the king has to follow at times of distress must be for the sake of the welfare of people and the preservation of lives but not to meet selfish ends. Chapter 69 of Shantiparva rightly states that the king must first conquer himself and then his enemies. Hence, even apadharma demands the king to discard his likes and dislikes. Therefore, Rajadharma comprehensively answers all the terms and conditions and clarifies the exceptional times at which adharma has to be pursued without giving up on the dharmic base.

=== '''The Idea of Good Governance in the ''Thirukkural''''' ===
Composed by Tiruvalluvar, Tirukkural is a compilation of thousand and thirty couplets structured in 133 chapters that comprise ten couplets each. Of the three chapters-Arattuppal, Paruttappal and Kamatuppal, the former chapters describe Porul; i.e public affairs, political philosophy and political economy in detail. With over 700 couplets, the section gives us insights into politics and governance in the 4th-5th century CE. Literally meaning ‘sacred verses’, Thirukkural is referred to as ‘pearls of wisdom’. With over 1330 verses, this masterpiece in Tamil literature brilliantly carries the essence of good governance. In this didactic work, he has ostensibly written about governance and entwined it with morals, ethics and prevailing schemes of values.

Participation is a cornerstone of good governance and has a substantial role in the decision making despite the form of government. The couplet 462 in chapter 47 states that it’s impossible to not attain any objective when decisions are taken after holding due deliberations and considerations with the counsel of persons; who constitute the selected associates of the king. He further states that competency of the person should first be convinced of to the king as to ensure accomplishment of tasks assigned to him. Valluvar further adds that pursuing any decision should be done after due consideration of the expert in any field to understand the complexities and challenges in the project and move accordingly. He holds that, the institution which is receptive to criticism from the people would be highly esteemed.

Orientation to consensus has reflected in a number of couplets in Tirukkural. According to Tiruvalluvar, seeking the advice of close associates would help attain the set out objectives. He also sets out that the king must orient himself with the worldly practices as to reach a consensus. It is consensus that sustains any well thought-out decision.

Accountability is exemplified in a number of verses of Thirukkural. Valluvar says that the king, who addresses the people, dispenses justice and ensure protection to them would be considered God. Further, he adds that he must not run behind conceit or frivolous acts that he becomes unattentive to the welfare calls of people.

Emphasising on transparency, Thiruvalluvar states in one of the verses that the king must be of easy access to his subjects and must refrain from using harsh words as that blemishes his image and such a king would not be transparent to his people. That king, who is courteous, friendly and protects the interests of citizens, would be highly regarded by the people.

As to ensure responsiveness, Valluvar warns that a king will fall into ruins if he does an act that he is not supposed to do or if he fails to do something that he is ought to do. On similar lines, in another couplet, he pronounces that the king should delay deeds which could be delayed but not the ones which ought to be done. These couplets convey the pressing need for a king to run to the service of all his stakeholders whenever the time demands.

Effectiveness and efficiency is reflected throughout the chapter. In one of the couplets, Valluvar says that the vices of procrastination, carelessness, sluggishness, and sleep as the boats that would drive the king to losing his base. Unlike a sloth, a king must be attentive, vigilant and agile for efficient and effective governance in the kingdom.

Speaking of equity, Thiruvalluvar specifically mentions that a king must be capable of not only acquiring and preserving wealth but also distribute it wisely. Vallluvar’s idea of equity is however not restricted to equal distribution of wealth. He stresses the need of extolling other virtues such as sharing of food and preservation of lives of other creatures-giving a manifold view to the conventional view of equity.

As in Mahabharata, the rule of law is of great pertinence to Valluvar. A just monarch must uphold dual pillars of strict enquiry and impartial justice. Further on, he says that in the land of righteous monarch, there will be rains and crops in abundance; meaning –justice ensures well-being of one and all. Valluvar maintains philanthropy, benevolence, rule of justice and welfare of people as the hallmark of any administration. The administration of justice for him, meant unbiased and impartial exercise of judgements. He recommends the king to invoke capital punishment as and when necessary to ensure protection of the subjects and to maintain the law and order. At the same time, he should also ensure that the punishment is not excessive. His conception is similar to the thoughts conveyed in Arthashastra which opines that administration of justice must be in line with the principle of Dharma. He relates justice to rain; the way rain brings prosperity to lands, justice brings prosperity to people. If the government fails to render justice to people at the right time or to ensure redressal of their grievances, it is certain to go down the drain.

Valluvar affirms the desirability of strategic vision in a few couplets. He gives supreme importance to fortifications, a strong army and a well-knit espionage system. Any move of the king should align with certain considerations such as the strength of his plan, his resources, strength of the enemy and the ally alike. It is astounding how Thiruvalluvar, in one of his couplets stresses on the need for the king to act in conformity with the world opinion; to acknowledge the realities of the word and act wisely.

Valluvar attributes huge importance to fortifications. According to him, they catered to the security measures of a kingdom and maintenance of peace. He describes that a fort must have accessibility to water, fertile lands and must be equipped with arms and ammunitions. It should be designed in a way that it resists attacks and is inaccessible for the enemies.

An army marked with valour, fearlessness, trustworthiness, honour, chivalry and fortitude make it invincible. The soldiers must be highly efficient, well-trained and malleable to demanding circumstances. The king must attend to the demands of the army and ensure that it has a decisive and capable leadership.

Valluvar also notes down the characteristics needed in a diplomat or envoy. As he puts it, ‘a book of law and a spy are two eyes of a king’. He should be of noble birth, amiable, patriotic, knowledgeable and eloquent. An erudite and impressive personality should enable him convey messages in a concise and apprehensive way. Espionage system also acquires prominence in the framework of Valluvar’s statecraft and governance. This was imperative to gather information about the enemies and track the movements of people. He emphasises on the need for an espionage system, objectives and methods of such a system and on how to build a network of spies. He describes on the training and attributes of spies. Like Kautilya, Tiruvalluvar sets down the responsibilities and working of a spy system. According to him, an envoy must possess three qualities; he must have devotion to king, should be wise and must have good facility of speech. Since he is embarking on a great mission of representing his land, he has to be a scholar.

In addition to this, Valluvar elaborates on the qualities of a state, king and the cabinet. He describes that a king must be vigilant, righteous, cordial, diligent and zealous. He must always adhere to the principle of Dharma. Similar to Saptanga theory of Kautilya, he proposes six bases to the efficiency of a king; viz, a trustworthy army, responsible citizenry, a resourceful treasury, efficient cabinet and officials, well equipped fortress, espionage system and cordial relations with the foreign counterparts. He must be honest, polite and valorous. His prior commitments must be to produce and accumulate wealth, conserve resources, ensure equal distribution of wealth and security of people. An ideal king must be benevolent, rectitude, fortitude and concern for the welfare of the people. Not to bring up ruinous consequences, a king must consider the five aspects of resources, time, place, means and nature of execution before embarking on a war.

Tiruvalluvar states that an adept minister must be honest, devoid of sensual pleasure and free from fear of sacrificing life and lure of wealth. A minister should be considerate of time, place, means, manner and difficulties. He must be of noble birth and must be marked with courteous behaviour, steadiness in thought, speech and action and humility. Here, it’s apparent that Kautilya and Thiruvalluvar share similar thoughts regarding the qualities a king and cabinet must possess. Further, he says that the associates should not be preferred based on personal affinity to knowledge or diligence and must be capable of reading ‘unexpressed thoughts’. Management techniques and decision-making process are also discussed in detail. Valluvar says that a minister might see his mother starve but still not act hastily; referring to the commitment a minister must have towards the king. He has to avoid actions that brings in grief and loss to king.

According to Tiruvalluvar, a prosperous kingdom must have fertile and resourceful land, industrious citizenry and wealthy merchants. There should be peaceful coexistence among people and the kingdom must be free from famine, epidemics, anti-social elements and ravaging enemy.

The idea of good governance proposed by Valluvar stands out in many ways. He can be observed emphasising not only on political ideals but also on economic elements in his theory on statecraft and governance. Here is one such example. He states that the three factors of land, labour and capital are indispensable for any kingdom to flourish. This proposition is rooted on the belief that an ideal kingdom should not be vulnerable to starvation, epidemics and other threats. He also stresses on the need to incorporate freedom from hunger and disease and also from foreign invasions; which otherwise would hamper the kingdom. Along with ethics and morals, wealth also acquires prominence in Valluvar’s ideas. He opines on wasted wealth as “he who hoards wealth and does not enjoy it or utilize it to benefit others, is as good as dead, and his wealth is a waste”. According to him, among all other occupations, agriculture is the supreme; ‘lynchpin of the world and worthiest of crafts’. State in Valluvar’s conception has no place for poverty. Poverty brings in only miseries and hinders greatness of the kingdom. These pragmatic ideas convey that Valluvar’s notions on good governance are an amalgamation of political as well as economical and ethical ideals.

This work, which brought about a wave of revolution in Tamil Nadu, would be a cause for revolution in governance and other domains all over the world if these ideas are taken to word. These succinct ideas that Valluvar has ingrained continue to be relevant for all dimensions of human life.

=== '''Conclusion''' ===
It could be easy to identify components and other key takeaways of good governance from the ancient scriptures. However, discerning the problems in governance and combating them effectively as not to limit the idea of good governance in rhetorical realm. The exercise of power and functioning in a setting could be chaotic in practical and operational terms.

The governance systems all across the globe are plagued with a number of issues and challenges such as criminalization of politics, corruption, failure in decentralisation and devolution of powers, malfunctioning of bureaucracy and the civil services, partisan politics and centre-state conflicts etc are few among many.

As a treatise of statecraft, Mahabharata throws light to the fact that in spite of evolving times, political theories in the text are worth following, not only to maintain the territorial integrity of state but also to promote welfare of people. The literary masterpiece of Thirukkural on the other hand, with its unquestionable immortality and universality, contributes to the nation-building and its adherence would bring in integrity and ethics to the government.

The discoveries and products of ancient India are mostly depicted as those of Arab origin, taking away vitality of the Indian texts. Though Arabs were on a mission to re-transmit the Sanskrit texts, making it easy for the Europeans, such depictions take away the essence of the precepts. Even in the post-independence period we see a tendency of depreciating traditional knowledge systems, resulting in distortion of facts. Indian’s intellectual elite continue to cheer portrayal of pre-colonial India as superstitious, feudalistic, irrational and lacking in scientific temper. This has indeed furthered Euro-centrism and fuelled up prejudice against our traditional knowledge systems. The root cause for this disposition is our flawed education system; that has subverted the ancient ideas, knowledge systems, scientific and cultural achievements in the curricula. The stereotypes are so deeply entrenched that the ideological garb created by the so called ‘intellectual mafia’ continues to distort the age-old value systems that are being recognised abroad but still not in the home country!

=== '''References''' ===
1. Datta, M. (1897). A Prose English Translation of the Mahabharata.

2. Dikshitar, R. (1949). Tirukkural of Tiruvalluvar (in Roman transliteration) with English Translation.

3. D., Hema. (2010). Good Governance Models from Ancient India and Their Contemporary Relevance: A Study. ''IBA Journal of Leadership and Management.''

4. Sharma, M. (2022). Reflection of God Governance in Tirukural-Universal Relevance. ''Pracya Journal.'' Accessed October 28, 2022. [https://www.pracyajournal.com/article/39/8-1-12-269.pdf. https://www.pracyajournal.com/article/39/8-1-12-269.pdf.]

5. Khangarot, M., and HcmRipa. (2017). International Journal of Allied Practice, Research and Review-Good Governance in Ancient India: An Analysis. [http://www.ijaprr.com/download/issue/Volume_IV/Issue_VIII/158_Volume_IV_Issue_VIII_15-21_Dr_Meenakshi.pdf. http://www.ijaprr.com/download/issue/Volume_IV/Issue_VIII/158_Volume_IV_Issue_VIII_15-21_Dr_Meenakshi.pdf.]

6. Altekar, A.S. (1955). ''State and Government in Ancient India.'' MotilalBanarasidass.

7. Tiwari, D. (1990). The Concept of State in the Mahabharata. Generic.

8. Basham, A.L. (1954). ''A Wonder That Was India''. Sidgwick & Jackson.

9. Mukherjee, J. (2010). Revisiting Good Governance in Ancient Indian Political Thought. ''The Indian Journal of Political Science.'' 71(1), 53-58.

10. Sharma, S.K., Good Governance in Ancient India: Remembering Kingship in Shantiparva of Mahabharata. ''Meerut Journal of Political Science and Public Administration,''6(1).

11. Bhattacharya, S. C., Dalmiya, V., & Mukherji, G. (2018). Exploring Agency in the Mahabharata: Ethical and Political Dimensions of Dharma. Taylor & Francis.

Carvaka School of Thought in Indian Philosophy

2023-10-14T09:29:16Z

Anishg: /* Genesis and Development of Indian Materialism */

Authored by Vikas Singh Panwar

=== '''Introduction''' ===
The Vedas, the earliest documentation of the intellectual tradition of our great civilisation, are the source of philosophy in India. They were kept under persistent elaboration and illustration and monumental philosophical literature sprang up over several millennia. The Vedas were the source of a large portion of philosophical knowledge, the most important of which are Samkhya-Yoga, Nyaya-Vaisesika, Purva-Mimamsa, and Uttara-Mimamsa. They all believe in the authority and the infallibility of the Vedas. These schools of thought are called Sad Darsana. Three significant schools of Indian philosophy attempted to profess something novel while departing from the Vedic way of thinking. They were branded as nastika. This category was indexed to include Carvaka, Jain, and Buddhist schools of thought. Therefore, classical Indian philosophy was primarily divided into astika and nastika sampradayas (orthodox and heterodox). Among these philosophical systems or schools of thought, the Carvaka school of thought stands out in its epistemological, ontological and metaphysical orientation as no other school of thought does. The position of Carvakas is conspicuous and distinct among all the schools of traditional Indian philosophy because it is the only school which rejects outright ''ishwara'' (God), ''atman'' (soul)'', paraloka'' (afterlife) and the authority of Vedas. It stands out as a unique thought which accepts only ''pratyaksha'' (perception) as the valid means of knowledge (''pramana).'' It is unexampled as it talks of only four basic elements and lays an over-emphasis on sensual pleasure. Even its concept of ''moksha'' (liberation) is unorthodox and strange because it treats ''moksha'' as the destruction of the body. It does not believe in the soul and clearly rejects the concept of ''karmaphala'' and rebirth. All this makes Carvaka a unique ideology and system of thought. This is referred to as the materialistic school of thought, which as a philosophy maintains that the only object that can be demonstrated to exist is matter, and it is considered a type of physicality. This ideology attempts to explain the mind and consciousness as matter-produced phenomena. In general, materialism refers to the inclination to reduce the higher to the lower or to explain the higher phenomena in terms of the lesser ones. In this way, it contradicts spiritual explanations of the universe. Materialism denies both the reality of God and the existence of the soul. In the Sanskrit language, ''asti'' means “to exist” and ''nasti'' means “does not exist.” In common parlance, ''astika'' means one who believes in the reality of God and ''nastika'' means one who believes that God does not exist. But in philosophical parlance, ''astika'' and ''nastika'' have different meanings. A staunch ''astika'' is one who believes in the reality of God, soul, rebirth and the Vedas, and one who rejects them outright is called a ''nastika.'' Carvaka is the only school of thought that can be labelled as outright nastika by this yardstick. The Buddhists and Jainas do not fit into this category because the Buddhists believe in ''parloka'' and the Jainas believe in ''atman'', even if both reject the authority of the Vedas. Thus, Carvaka is the only school of thought within Indian Philosophy that can be labelled a nastika sampradaya. The Carvaka School looks to be very influential and thought-provoking, paving the way for many ideological wrongs to be corrected because it always talked about things that appealed to the ordinary masses. This could be why the Carvakas were dubbed Lokayatas. Because the principles of this school were practical and compelling, they were extremely popular among the general public.

=== '''Genesis and Development of Indian Materialism''' ===
The school of Materialism in India seems very old. References are found to it in the epics and in the early Buddhistic literature. ‘Several vestiges show that even in the pre-Buddhistic India proclaimers of purely materialistic doctrines appeared’ (Garbe, 1897)4. It must have arisen as a protest against the excessive monkdom of the Brahmana priests. The externals of ritualism, which ignored the substance and highlighted the shadow, the idealism of the Upanisads that was inappropriate for the common people, the political and social upheavals that were common at the time, the exploitation of the masses by the petty rulers, monks, and the wealthy class, the lust and greed and small-scale conflicts in an unstable society, and these factors all contributed to the rise of materialism in India in the post-Upanisadic and pre Buddhitsic age. There are four distinct steps in the evolution of Indian materialism (Shastri, 1930, p.1)12. It started out as merely an oppositional attitude that questioned all forms of knowledge, both direct and indirect, and disregarded the legitimacy of the Vedas. Its name at the time was Barhaspatya. In its second stage, Svabhavavada, which acknowledged perception as a source of knowledge and incorporated the belief that the body and the self are one and the same, was added. It is indisputable that, during that remote period of Indian history, it was the only philosophical system deserving of the term, regardless of how low it may have fallen in the hierarchy of philosophical systems. In that period flourished famous materialists like AjitaKesakamblin, Kambalasvatara and Purana Kasyapa. In that stage it came to be known as hedonism, which was due, perhaps, to the corruption of freedom - social, religious and political- which formed the most essential feature of this school. As a consequence of this impact of corruption and misunderstanding Carvakism originated. In that stage, the school preached “ Eat, drink and be merry” for tomorrow we may die. The response to this extreme licentiousness was detrimental to the school's very existence. From that point on, this extremely materialistic school began to move towards spiritualism and eventually began to recognise and embrace, albeit in a limited way, both probability and inference as sources of genuine knowledge. In the fourth stage, it came to be one with the Buddhists and the Jainas in opposing the Vedantists and got the common designation ''nastika'' (Shartri, 1930, 2)12.

=== '''Etymology of Carvaka''' ===
The Brihaspati Sutra and other pieces of Carvaka's main literature are lost or missing. Its theories and growth have been drawn from ancient secondary literature, including the shastras (such as the Arthashastra), sutras, and Hindu epics (the Mahabharata and Ramayana), as well as conversations by Gautama Buddha and Jain literature. The traditional founder of this school is thought to have been the heretical teacherBrhaspati. Sadly, his Sutra has been lost, despite the fact that we have no reason to dispute it. This Brhaspati is sometimes compared to the gods' teacher who taught the Asuras materialism in order to ruin them. Carvaka, after whose name this school is so called, is said to be the chief disciple of Brhaspati. According to another view, Carvaka is the name of the founder of this school(Shastri, 1930, p. 28)12. ‘Carvaka’ is the word that generally stands for ‘materialist’. But the original meaning of this word is shrouded in mystery. According to one view, ‘Carvaka’ was originally the name of a sage who propounded materialism. The common name ‘Carvaka’ is derived from this proper name and means the follower of that sage, i.e., a materialist. According to another view, ‘Carvaka’ was even originally a common descriptive name given to a materialist, either because he preaches the doctrine of ‘eat, drink and be merry’ (carv- eat, chew), or because his words are pleasant and nice (caru-nice, vak-word) (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 64)2. Another synonym of Carvaka is Lokayata which means a commoner and therefore, by implication, a man of low and unrefined taste. Nastika-Shiromani or an ‘arch-heretic’ is another name for a materialist. In Ramayana, they are called ‘fools who think themselves to be wise and who are experts in leading people to doom and ruin’ (Sharma, 1962, 29)11. References to them are also found in Mahabharata and Manusamhita. Ajitakeshakambalin is mentioned in the MajjhimaNikaya as a materialist who only trusted in perception and the four elements. He was likely given this name since he must have carried a blanket of hair with him. He is also referred to as Kambalashvatara by Shantaraksita (the man with a blanket and a mule). But whoever the founder of Indian materialism, ‘Carvaka’ has become synonymous with ‘materialist’. A much later work by Jayarashi Bhatta called Tattvopaplavasimha, which was published by the Oriental Institute of Baroda in 1940, is the only original work from this school that has survived. Consequently, it is exceedingly challenging to have a true understanding of it. The writings of other schools serve as our main information sources. However, this is just done to challenge materialism. So we discover that the principles of materialism are frequently misinterpreted. The negative aspects of this school are highlighted, while its positive aspects are left out. So, instead of a whole picture, we just receive a thin caricature. A synopsis of this school is provided by the Sarva-Darshana-Sangraha, however, it also appears to be based on similar narratives.

==== '''Epistemology''' ====
It is legitimate to say that the entire philosophy of Carvakas is based on their notion of knowledge or epistemology. Knowledge of reality or valid cognition is called ‘prama’ and the source of such knowledge is called ‘pramana’. The Carvakas maintain that perception is the only pramana or reliable source of knowledge. What is arrived at by direct perception is the truth. That alone exists. What is not perceivable is non-existent, for the simple reason that it is not perceived (Radhakrishnan, 1927, 279)9. They assert that the only correct knowledge is that we can perceive through our senses. To authenticate their stance, they criticise the potentiality of other sources of knowledge like inference and testimony which are accounted as valid pramanas by many other philosophical schools of thought. The Carvaka is the only school of traditional thought that solely recognised and acknowledged ''pratyaksha'' (perception) as a legitimate form of knowledge. The idea is derived mainly from Madhava's treatment of the Lokayata-epistemology in the ''Sarvadarshansangraha.'' That which is not perceived is non-existent according to this school of thought.

==== '''Denial of Inference''' ====
This leads the Carvakas to deny and refute the validity of other sources of knowledge like inference. The Carvakas proceed to deny the legitimacy of inference in a systematic and destructive manner. Inference is the process by which we claim one proposition to be true or false on the basis of other propositions. The Carvakas argue that if inference is to be considered a pramana, it must produce knowledge that is accurate to reality and about the veracity of which we have no doubt. However, inference is unable to satisfy these requirements because for instance, when we infer the existence of fire in a mountain from the perception of smoke in it, we take a leap in the dark, from the perceived smoke to the unperceived fire (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 65-66)2. A universal relationship (vyapti) between the major terms and the middle term (Linga) is required for inference (sadhya). But this is an excessive assumption or vyapti. No source of valid knowledge can guarantee it. Thus, for example, the inference of fire (sadhya) from smoke (linga) can be valid only when it is established that all cases of smoke are cases of fire (vyapti). But there is no source of valid knowledge that can justify this universal relation. Perception cannot do it because it is limited to particulars. (Chattopadhyaya, 1959, 22-23)3.

An invariable concomitance between smoke and fire can only be established if we have the knowledge of all the cases of smoke and fire, which is impossible as we cannot perceive all the cases of smoke and fire existing presently in different parts of the world, to speak nothing of those which existed in the past or will exist in the future. Therefore, perception cannot establish an immutable connection. A general proposition may be true in perceiving cases, but there is no guarantee that it will hold true even in unperceived cases.

There are two patterns of inference which in modern terminology may be referred to as “deductive” and “inductive” inference. From an epistemological point of view, The Carvakas reject not only the distinction between deductive and inductive inference but also inference itself as an invalid and unreliable source of knowledge (Pulingandla, 1975, 28-29)8. The Carvakas say that deductive patterns like-

‘All men are mortal. Socrates is a man. Therefore Socrates is mortal’, cannot be accepted because we cannot say that Socrates is mortal unless we are certain that the statements "All men are mortal" and "Socrates is a man" are true.

The principle of petitio principii vitiates deductive inference.Being that the conclusion is already implied by the major premise, the veracity of which is not already established, it is merely a circular argument.

Let's now look at the inductive pattern of reasoning to determine the validity of the generalisation that "All men are mortal."

A universal proposition is supported by specific propositions in induction. That is, we get to the conclusion that all men are mortal by observing that certain men, like x, y, and z, are mortal. Carvakas, though, believes that this is a plunge into the unknown. All that we are permitted to know is that, up to this point, all men have been mortal, hence this universal premise is unwarranted.

Deductive inference’s main premises are upheld by inductive inference, which sets out to demonstrate their truth. But because it moves unwarrantedly from the known to the unknown, induction too becomes uncertain and unsure.

This reasoning of Carvakas is faced with an inevitable question - What explains the uniformities that experienced objects possess if Carvakas deny the existence of a fixed universal law underlying the phenomenon of the world? ‘Why is fire always experienced to be hot and water to be cool?’

The Carvakas reply is that it is due to the inherent nature (svabhava) of things that they possess particular characteristics. There is no guarantee that the uniformity perceived in the past would continue in the future (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 67-68)2.

Every system of Indian philosophy that has maintained the validity of at least perception and inference has harshly attacked the crude Carvaka stance. Rejecting the validity of inference from an empirical perspective is equivalent to rejecting thought and discussion. All thoughts, all discussions, all doctrines, all affirmations and denials, all proofs and disproofs are made possible by inference. The Carvaka view that perception is valid and inference is invalid is itself a result of inference. The Carvaka can understand others only through inference and make others understand him only through inference. Thoughts and ideas, not being material objects, cannot be perceived; they can only be inferred. It is frequently discovered that perception itself, which the Carvaka holds to be genuine, is false. Although it is almost round, the world appears to be flat to us. The earth is moving around the sun even though we think of it as being static. The sun's disc may appear little to us, yet it is much larger than the size of the earth. Such perceptions are in conflict with inference (Sharma, 1962, 31-32)11.

Due to the dearth of original literature on Carvaka's philosophy, a question which is justifiably encountered is whether the commentators of the base texts, which were mostly his opponents, were able to sufficiently reflect the intention of the author. Therefore it is imperative to reconstruct and reiterate the Carvaka philosophy at the very fundamental level of its assumptions of epistemology and construction of knowledge. Did Carvakas really hold the view that perception is the only source of valid knowledge and nothing else?

In the ''Tattvasangrahapanjika, Kamalsila'' quotes Purandara’s statement- “The Carvakas too admit of such an inference as is well known in the world, but that which is called inference ( by some ), transgressing the worldly way, is prohibited by them.” This is called the ''lokaprasiddhaanumana,'' an inference which is acceptable within the framework of our mundane life, however, one proposed to extend its application beyond the range of this-worldly objects shall be discarded outrightly.

Jayantabhatta, in his ''Nyayamanjari'' distinguished between two types of inferential cognition: (1) “some in case of which the inferential cognition can be acquired by oneself” (''utpanna-pratiti)'' and (2) “some in case of which the inferential cognition is to be acquired on somebody else’s advice” (''utpadya-pratiti). Utpanna-pratiti'' refers to something experienced in the past, and ''utpadya-pratiti'' means that which is yet to be experienced. He, therefore, suggested that the first kind is valid, but the second is not. The inference of the fire from the smoke belongs to the first category. The inference of transcendent entities like God belongs to the latter. As a result, the first type of anumana is recognised as pramana, whereas the second is not. This viewpoint, according to Jayantabhatta, is held by the Carvakas who are "better educated" (susikshitara). Summarily, it can be concluded that the Carvaka position on ''anumana'' can be presented - empirically testable ''anumana''is ''pramana''in the instrumental sense of the term, but ''anumana''which is not so testable is not ''pramana''even in the instrumental sense ( as seen in the case of ''utpadya-pratiti)'' (Gokhale, 1993, 676-678)5''.''

Hence it cannot be conclusively established that the Carvakas rejected ''anumana'' (inference) in all entirety as seen in the above examples. Manibhadra, in his commentary on ''Sat Darshan Samuccaya,'' gave some extremely striking reasons for the Carvaka or Lokayata emphasis on the primacy of sense-perception. The causes are socio-political and seem eerily contemporary. There are crafty con artists who dress in religious attire. They're trying to instil false beliefs in people's heads about achieving paradise and being able to distinguish between the good and the wicked etc. and are trying to establish their claims on the basis of futile references to such sources of valid knowledge as inferences, scriptures, etc. The Lokayata insistence on the primacy of sense-perception was meant to be a defence against such deception and exploitation. If the unperceived too, as Manibhadra explains, were given the status of existence then the poor could as well delude themselves with the idea of possessing a heap of gold and such they would trample over their sense of poverty with a kind of indifference; the slave, too, would delude himself with the idea that he had become the master (Chattopadhyaya, 1959, p. 29-30)3. As a result, just as orthodox religious defenders felt it necessary to reject reason in favour of faith, the Lokayatikas and Carvakas felt it necessary to refute the false assertions of the deceivers in order to defend the general populace.

=== '''Metaphysics''' ===
Metaphysics is the theory of reality. Since perception is the only valid form of knowledge, Matter becomes the only reality. It alone is cognisable by senses. What is material is real. God, soul, heaven, life before birth or after death, and any unperceived law cannot be believed in, because they are all beyond perception. The only things whose existence can be acknowledged and whose actuality can be insisted upon are material items. Thus, the Carvakas arrive to support the thesis of materialism, which holds that nothing exists outside of matter.

==== '''The World is Made of Four Elements''' ====
Common Hindu thought recognizes five elements which compose the material world - earth, water, fire, air and akasa. While the first four of these are matters of ordinary sense experience, the last is the result of inference. The Carvaka, because he admits only the immediate evidence of the senses, denies the last (Hiriyanna, 1993, 191)7. The four perceptible elements are thus believed to make up the material world. All things, including the mind, are a result of a particular arrangement of these four elements. Although the components are eternal, their combinations can be created and destroyed. It is believed that consciousness is merely a byproduct of matter. It is created when the components come together in a specific ratio. It is found always associated with the body and vanishes when the body disintegrates. The universe is accepted as uncreated, composed of matter but of which all that exists is produced.

==== '''Self or Soul in the Carvaka View''' ====
According to Cārvākas, when the four forms of matter, namely, earth, water, fire and air combine in a peculiar way, there result in what we call a body. Life, breath (prāna) and consciousness are present only in such a body. The particular combination of elements which make life and consciousness possible is called the self, according to Carvakas, beyond which there is no immaterial self or soul. The origin of consciousness or intelligence comes from the combination of elements as liquor’s inebriating power comes from the mixture of ingredients (Heera, 2011, p. 70-71)6. “That intelligence which is found to be embodied in modified forms of non-intelligent elements is produced in the same way in which red colour is produced from the combination of betel, areca nut and lime.” (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882)

Consciousness is the result of emergent and dialectical evolution. It is an epiphenomenon, a by-product of matter. Given the four elements and their particular combination, consciousness manifests itself in the living body. ‘Matter secretes mind as the liver secretes bile.’ (Sharma, 1962, 32)11 The so-called soul is simply the conscious living body (Caitanya-visista-dehaevaatma). The soul is, therefore, the body, endued with consciousness. There is no proof of the existence of the soul apart from the body..

In the Sarva Darshan Sangraha, it has been quoted -

''In this school, there are four elements, earth, water, fire and air;''

''And from these four elements alone is intelligence produced,''

''Just like the intoxicating power from the quinoa, etc, mixed together;''

''Since in “I am fat,” “I am lean,” these attributes abide in the same subject,''

''And since fatness, etc, reside only in the body, it alone is the soul and no other,''

''And such phrases as “my body” are only significant metaphorically.''

The arguments advanced by Carvakas against the permanence of the soul and its transmigration from one body to another can be summarized as follows -

# Why does a person not recall things that happened in his past existence if the soul changes bodies in a cycle of births and deaths?
# Why does the soul never return in a way that can be seen if it is reborn into another body? If he who departs from the body goes to another world, how is it that he comes not back again, restless for the love of his kindred?
# According to the Carvakas, it is foolish to believe in reincarnation as evidenced by the so-called believers' own lack of genuine belief. If the beast slain in the Jyotisama rite will itself go to heaven, why then does not the sacrificer forthwith offer his own father? (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, 10)
# No one has ever seen the transfer of consciousness from one body to another.

Naturally, the denial of the atman, which plays a significant role in the other Indian systems, sparked the fiercest debate; theoretically, there is no disputing Carvaka's viewpoint. The existence of the soul or atman in the conventional sense cannot be proven. In fact, some orthodox philosophers are aware of this, which is why they emphasise the validity of the opposing view—that the body and the soul are not separate—in their arguments against the Carvaka theory. If consciousness is an essential property of the human body, it should be inseparable from it as Carvaka claims. But it is not. In swoons, fits, epilepsy, dreamless sleep etc. the living body is seen without consciousness. Conversely, in dreams, consciousness can be seen without a living body. An awakened dreamer disowns the dream body but retains ownership of the dream consciousness. Even though dream consciousness is not directly challenged in waking life, the dream objects are sublated there. When a person wakes up from a dream in which they saw a tiger, they understand that the tiger was simply a dream, but the fact that they saw a tiger in their dream continues to be true. This demonstrates that awareness transcends the material body, which is merely its instrument and not its cause and endures through the three stages of waking life, dream life, and profound sleep life (Sharma, 1962, 33). Once more, the fact that consciousness cannot be felt outside of a physical body does not indicate that it is merely a byproduct of matter. For instance, the eye cannot see in the dark. Light is necessary for sight, yet it cannot be said to be the cause of sight. A simple coexistence is not a cause. The two bull horns, which are always found together, cannot be taken to mean anything. The body should not be viewed as the cause of awareness because it is merely a tool for its manifestation.

==== '''Denial of the Existence of God''' ====
The doctrine unavoidably rejects any and all belief in a supernatural or transcendental being, along with any and all belief in the particular subjects of religion and philosophy.As was already mentioned, the system only accepts that which is verified by perception, or pratyaksha, hence there is no room for anything transcendental. God, whose existence cannot be perceived, fares no better than the soul. The world is created by the elements of matter, negating the need for a creator. Carvakas are faced with the counter that just like the production of an earthen pot, in addition to clay which is its material cause, requires a potter who shapes the material into the desired form, similarly, an efficient cause like God is indispensable for shaping and designing the material elements into this beautiful world. In reply, the Carvakas state that the material elements themselves have got each its static nature (svabhava). By nature and the laws inherent in them, they combine to form this world. There is thus no necessity for God. There is no evidence that the world's objects are the outcome of any design. They can be logically explained as the accidental byproducts of the elements. The Carvakas, therefore, prefer atheism.The only supreme is the earthly monarch whose existence is proved by all the world’s eyesight, and the only liberation is the dissolution of the body (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, 4). In the same breath, Carvakas deny the existence of souls, virtue (dharma) and vice (adharma), merit (punya) and demerit (papa), actions (karma) and their fruits (phala). They reject liberation, heaven, hell, future life, transmigration, the Law of Karma, and pre-existence. They do not exist because they are not perceived. There are no obligations related to castes and life stages (varnashrama dharma), which could result in rewards like happiness and unhappiness. The material world is perceived, and therefore existent. The variety in the world is natural (Sinha, 1956)13.

=== '''Ethics''' ===
Ethics is the science of morality which tends to contemplate questions and problems such as: What is the highest goal or ''Summum bonum'' man can achieve? What is the standard of moral judgement?

As explained by Madhava in his ''Sarvadarshansamgraha''-

“The only end of man is enjoyment produced by sensual pleasure. Nor may you say that such cannot be called the end of man as they are always mixed with some kind of pain, because it is our wisdom to enjoy the pure pleasure as far as we can, and to avoid the pain which inevitably accompanies it; just as the man who desires fish takes the fish with their scales and bones, and having taken as many as he wants, desists; or just as the man who desires, rice takes the rice, straw and all, and having taken as much as he wants, desists. If anyone so timid as to forsake a visible pleasure, he would indeed be foolish like a beast, as has been said by the poet-

The pleasure which arises to men from contact with sensible objects,

Is it to be relinquished as accompanied by pain, such is the reasoning of fools;

The berries of paddy, rich with the finest white grains

What man, seeking his true interest, would fling away because covered with husk and dust?” (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, p. 4)

And thus is the well-known verse attributed to the Lokayatas -

''jāvajjīvetsukhaṃjīvedṛṇaṃkṛtvāghṛtaṃpibet |''

''bhasmībhūtasyadehasyapunarāgamanaṃkutaḥ. |''

''While life remains, let a man live happily''

''Let him feed on ghee, even though he runs on debt.''

Some Indian philosophers, such as the Mimamsakas, hold that paradise, a state of unadulterated happiness that can be obtained after fulfilling the Vedic rites, is the highest aim of human life. Because it is predicated on the unproven existence of a life beyond death, Carvakas rejects it. The priests' creations of "heaven" and "hell" were motivated by their desire to coerce, intimidate, and force people into performing rituals. Men of wisdom will never fall for such tricks.

==== '''Final Liberation''' ====
Liberation is seen by many thinkers as the ultimate aim of human existence. Again, liberation is seen as the complete eradication of all suffering. Some believe it can only be gained after death when the soul is liberated from the body; others think it can be attained while one is still alive. However, the Carvaka system contends that these opinions are illogical and unreasonable. Because there is no such thing as a soul, it is ridiculous to say that liberation is the soul's release from its shackles to physical life. But if achieving a state free from all sorrow in this particular life is what emancipation entails, then that is likewise an unachievable ideal. Both pleasure and pain are a part of existence in this body. Liberation in the sense of complete cessation of suffering can only mean death (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 74)3.

==== '''Summum Bonum''' ====
The Carvaka believes that sensuous pleasure is the ultimate good in ethics. Eat, drink, and enjoy yourself since there is no chance of returning once the body has been converted to ashes. No other world exists. No soul can live on after death. Religion is the means of livelihood of the priests. All values are essentially false illusions created by a sick mind. The Carvaka Ethics is a rudimentary form of individual hedonism; the individual's enjoyment of their pleasures in this life is their only goal (Sharma, 1962, 34)11. Of the four ends of human life (purusarthas) namely ''artha, kama, dharma and moksha'', the materialist recognises and commends the first two and regards the last two as illusory and hence unworthy of man’s attention (Pulingandla, 1975, 34-35)8. Pleasure is regarded as mixed up with pain, but that is no reason why it should not be acquired. ‘Nobody casts away the grain because of the husk? Should nobody cook because of beggars? Should nobody sow seeds because of animals? (Hiriyanna, 1993)7 Carvaka ethics is considered totally hedonistic because it openly encourages the fulfilment of desires and the pursuit of pleasure as the only values to be pursued in life. If we recall that our existence is limited to our body's existence and so to this life, we must see the joys that arise in the body as the only nice things we may attain. So, the purpose of human life is to experience as much pleasure as possible while minimising suffering. A life of maximum enjoyment is a good existence. Vedic ethics had advocated four ''purusarthas''or the ends of life for the integrated development of the individual as well as the society. At the time Carvaka came into existence, many heretic and revolutionary schools of philosophy led by such figures as Asuri Pippalda, Purana Kasyapaa, KakudaKatyayana and AjitaKesakambalin were flourishing, and all of them opposed the traditional Vedic philosophy in one way or the other. But Carvaka was the first and only system in India to advocate hedonistic ethics (Heera, 2011, 76-84)6.

==== '''Rejection of the Authority of Vedas''' ====
According to the Carvakas the Vedas are tainted by the three faults of untruth, self-contradictions and tautology (needless repetition of an idea, statement, or word), then again the imposters who call themselves Vedic pandits are mutually destructive, as the authority of the jnana-kanda is overthrown by those who maintain that of karma-kanda, while those who maintain the authority of the jnana-kanda reject that of the karma-kanda; and lastly, the three Vedas are themselves are only the incoherent rhapsodies of knaves, and to this effect runs the popular saying-

“The Agnihotra, the three Vedas, the ascetics’ three staves, and smearing oneself with ashes” (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, 9).

Having rejected the authority of the Vedas and texts, the concepts of virtue and vice, and belief in life after death, the Carvakas are naturally hostile to religious ceremonies performed with the goal of achieving paradise, avoiding hell, or propitiating departed spirits. If the priests truly believe, as they claim, that animals sacrificed are guaranteed to enter paradise, why don't they sacrifice their elderly parents instead of animals, ensuring their place in heaven?

That the Lokayatikas were opposed to the Brahmanical rituals does not necessarily mean that they were opposed to rituals as such; the conflict could have been because they wanted to stick to their own rituals and these rituals were rooted in a set of beliefs with which orthodox Vedic authority was in direct conflict. At the same time, Loakayata were essentially materialistic in the sense of acknowledging the reality of nothing but the material human body and the material universe around us. If therefore, the Lokayatikas or Carvakas had at all practised any rituals, such rituals could have little to do with otherworldliness (Chattopadhyaya, 1959, 36-37)3.

=== '''Social Outlook of Carvaka and Relevance in Contemporary Times''' ===
The ideological movement of Carvaka was probably a reaction against the beliefs, superstitions, rites and rituals of the Vedic age. The Carvakas were free thinkers. They set to demolish the foundation of orthodox Indian philosophy. The Carvakas are champions of rational empiricism because for them ''pratyaksha''is the only ''pramana'' and God is non-existent for them. It is the only system in traditional Indian philosophy which does not believe in anything which is beyond the catchment area of perception. Attempts have been made to reconstruct the epistemology of the Carvaka/Lokayata system by assiduously collecting the fragments of the ''sutra'' works and its several commentaries as found quoted and paraphrased by its opponents. But no serious effort has so far been undertaken to reconstruct its social outlook. It appears from the work of Krishnamisra and Sriharsha, two Vedantin-philosopher poets, that the Carvakas were opposed to caste and gender discrimination. In Krishnamisra (eleventh century) allegorical play, ''Prabodhcandrodaya'' (Rise of Moon-like Intellect), Mahmoha (Great Delusion), an avowed materialist, declares -

‘If the bodies are alike in their different parts, the mouth, etc., how can there be a hierarchy of castes?’

A heretic in Sriharsa’s (twelfth century) ''Naisadhacarta'' (Life of Naisadha) throws a challenge to the forces of status quo ante:

‘Since the purity of caste is possible only in the case of purity on each side of both families of the grandparents, what caste is pure by the purity of limitless generations?

Fie on those who boast of family dignity! They hold women in check out of jealousy; but do not likewise restrain men, though the blindness of passion is common to both!

Spurn all censorious statements about women as not worth a straw. Why dost thou constantly cheat people when thou, too, art as bad as women?'

Both authors intended to depict the Carvakas as heretics and non-believers. Defiance of the caste system was considered a heretical idea and hence fit for censure (Bhattacharya, 2-4)1. Apparently, the Carvakas gave no credence to the Vedic idea that the Brahmins, Rajanyas (warriors), Vaisyas (traders and agriculturists), and Sudras (manual workers) were different parts of the supreme being called the ''purusa,'' which was a convenient way of explaining why the hierarchy of castes was bound to be accepted and observed in social life.Manu, the foremost lawgiver, received no consideration from the Carvakas. They did not regard Manu's or the Vedas' words as legitimate sources of knowledge. So, it is quite likely that the Carvakas did not adhere to caste norms in daily life and did not believe in the purported divine origin of castes. A verse attributed to the Carvakas runs as follows:

There is no heaven, no final liberation, nor any soul in

Another world.

''Nor do the actions of the four castes, orders,etc.''

''Produce any real effect.''

The Carvakas did not admit word (sabda), that is, verbal testimony as a valid instrument of cognition (pramana), and so were not bound to accept what the Brahminical law books declared as something sacrosanct. Last but not least, it is clear that Lokayatikas fought for the development of social and political institutions free from religious dogma. The Carvakas had an ideal society in mind—one without organised religion, caste prejudice, or gender inequality which flows from their unprecedented ability of free thinking and opposing the Shastras prescribing rituals, social practices and customs. They took a completely reasonable attitude and criticised such renunciations as obstacles to establishing a society with equality of rights and opportunity. Their social philosophy was basically democratic in this regard.

==== '''The Decline of Carvakas ''' ====
Most of the stalwart scholars of different schools of classical Indian philosophy have been contemptuous towards the Carvakas. This was a major reason for their downfall. This is evident from the fact that there are no extant original writings of the Carvaka school (with perhaps the exception of a much later work, Jayarasi Bhatta’s ''Tattvopaplavasimha''), our knowledge of the doctrines of Indian materialism is based on the other schools, which seem to be more interested in discrediting and lampooning materialism than in presenting an objective account of its tenet. Therefore it's no surprise, then, that materialism could never occupy a prominent and predominant position in the Indian philosophical paradigm. Many scholars believe that the outright rejection of the authority of the Vedas and the denouncement of the brahmana priests were fundamentally instrumental in the downfall of the Carvakas. But it cannot be considered as the sole cause since the Jainas and the Buddhists also have been equally contemptuous and opprobrious towards them. Rejection of God also is not much responsible for their downfall, because the Jainas, the Buddhists, the Samkhyas and the Mimamsakas too do not believe in the existence of God. The denial of the soul is shared along with materialism by some schools of Buddhism also. The theoretical reduction of the mind to the matter also cannot be regarded as the main cause to merit universal contempt that has fallen to the lot of the Carvakas. Individual hedonism also has an appeal to the animal in man and pleasure, in fact, is desired by all. The main cause, therefore, should be sought in Carvaka’s denial of all human values which make life worth living. Life without values is animal life, not human life. Sensual pleasure is a very faint shadow of supreme pleasure. There is a qualitative difference in pleasure. The pleasure of the pig is certainly not the same as the pleasure of the philosopher.1 The idea of atheism and rejection of God also could not flourish significantly in an essentially spiritual nation like Bharat where God, religious customs, rituals, traditions, and festivals are so indispensably etched into the lives of people. Carvakas, despite their rational empiricism and worldly outlook, failed to satisfy the spiritual thirst of the populace. In this respect, Buddhism and Jainism prospered more because of the spirituality and piousness inherent to them. The universalising tendency of the Carvaka exposition of atheism and materialism also suffered from a serious hazard. Carvakas opposed the authority of Vedas and other religious texts but themselves transformed into an authoritative school which was based on the singularity of truth and rejected all other divergent ideas to be false (for ex- perception is the sole source of valid cognition). Thus, the advocacy of their own tenets transforms into a totalising imposition on the populace which is eventually rejected. The Bhakti movement arose as a response to the anomalies of the rigidity of the caste system, irrelevant rituals and religious practices, blind faiths and social dogmas and tended to present a liberal form of religion where devotees could identify themselves with simple religious practices. Although popular dissatisfaction against the existing social and religious evils was a major catalyst behind the spread of the Bhakti movement all over India for a long period of time, it did not discard belief and sadhana as two essential instruments for human liberation. Finally, it seems that Carvakas could not create a substantial culture around their philosophy which could sustain their ideas through practices, customs, art - architecture, literature and aesthetics. The failure of this aspect when the materialistic philosophy of Carvakas could not be institutionalised or materialized led to its gradual erosion from the minds of the masses.

=== '''References''' ===
1. Bhattacharya, R. (2022). “Charvaka (Carvaka).”Handbook of Logical Thought in India.

2. Chatterjee, S., & Datta, D. (1948). ''An Introduction to Indian Philosophy'' (Third ed.). Calcutta University Press.

3. Chattopadhyaya, D. (1959). ''Lokayata - A Study in Ancient Indian Materialism''. People's Publishing House.https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

4. Garbe, R. (1897). ''The Philosophy of Ancient India''. The Open Court Publishing Company.

5. Gokhale, P. P. (1993, October). The Carvaka Theory of Pramanas: A Restatement. ''Philosophy East and West'', ''43'', 675-682. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

6. Heera, B. (2011). ''Uniqueness of Carvaka Philosophy in Traditional Indian Thought''. Decent Books.

7. Hiriyanna, M. (1993). ''Outlines of Indian Philosophy''. Motilal Banarasidass Publishers.

8. Pulingandla, R. (1975). ''Fundamentals of Indian Philosophy''. Abingdon Press. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

9. Radhakrishnan, S. (1927). ''Indian Philosophy'' (Second ed., Vol. 1). George Allen & Unwin Ltd.

10. ''Sarva Darshan Samgraha'' (E.B. Cowell & A.E. Gough, Trans.). Trubner& Co. Ludgate. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

11. Sharma, C. (1962). ''Indian Philosophy''. Barnes & Noble, Inc. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

12. Shastri, D. (1930). ''A Short History of Indian Materialism, Sensationalism and Hedonism'' (Second ed.). Bookland Private Limited.

13. Sinha, J. (1956). ''History of Indian Philosophy'' (Vol. One). Sinha Publishing House. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

The Maitreyi-Yajnavalkya Dialogue and its Relevance

2023-10-14T09:12:02Z

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Yajnavalkya wishes to renounce the world and become a ''sannyasi'' The Upanishads hold a significant place in the development of Indian philosophical thought. ''Brahmavidya'' or the knowledge of Brahman, the ultimate reality has remained the primary concern of Upanishads. The Maitreyi-Yajnavalkya dialogue contained in the ''Brihadaranyaka Upanishad'' too attempts to deconstruct the concepts of ''atman'' (self) and ''Brahman'' (ultimate reality) through deliberations.

The ''Brihadaranyaka Upanishad'' portrays Maitreyi as a philosopher who studied metaphysics and engaged in theological dialogues with her husband Yajnavalkya. In the ''Rigveda,'' about ten hymns are attributed to her. She explores the concepts of ''Atman'' and ''Brahman'' and their unity, the core of Advaita philosophy in a dialogue with Yajnavalkya that appears in chapter 2 section 4 and chapter 4 section 5 of the ''Brihadaranyaka Upanishad'' (700 BCE).

after he has experienced the first three stages of his life - ''brahmacharya'', ''grihastha'' and ''vanaprastha''. He asks Maitreyi for permission and tells her that he wants to divide his worldly assets between her and Katyayani, his first wife which prompts Maitreyi to ask if the worldly assets would make her immortal?

Yajnavalkya replies that immortality cannot be attained through wealth or by dwelling in worldly affairs. Maitreyi, refusing to engage with anything that would not lead her to immortality, asks Yajnavalkya to share his knowledge and enlighten her on immortality. What followed was an elaborate and profound philosophical discourse on the relationship between the eternal and the transient. Yajnavalkya explains that immortality is the eternal life and temporal is what we see with our eyes. Temporal has limitation of time. Time takes away everything that one possesses. Since one cannot possess anything permanently except in thought it cannot bring satisfaction or immortality. Yajnavalkya, telling Maitreyi to meditate upon the thoughts, says:

Verily, not for the sake of the husband, my dear, is the husband loved, but he is loved for the sake of the self which, in its true nature, is one with the Supreme Self. ... Verily, not for the sake of the sons, my dear, are the sons loved, but they are loved for the sake of the self ...Verily, not for the sake of the brahmin, my dear, is the brahmin loved, but he is loved for the sake of the self. ... Verily, not for the sake of the gods, my dear, are the gods loved, but they are loved for the sake of the self... it is the Self that should be realized—should be heard of, reflected on and meditated upon. By the realization of the Self, my dear—through hearing, reflection and meditation—all this is known (Sethumadhavan, 2012).

The dialogue addresses few fundamental questions: What is love? Why do we love? Yajnavalkya says we love anything and everything for our own sake. Yajnavalkya thus tells Maitreyi to reflect on ''atman'' (Self) as nothing external can lead to happiness. If that Infinite (Self) is perceived in all external objects and persons, there will be no distinction between the self and the other.

Yajnavalkya elucidates his views through apt examples. He says “As the various particular kinds of notes of a drum, when it is beaten, cannot be grasped by themselves, but are grasped only when the general note of the drum or the general sound produced by different kinds of strokes is grasped ... Similarly, no particular objects are perceived in the waking and dream states apart from Pure Intelligence” (Sethumadhavan, 2012).

Yajnavalkya emphasises that the effect cannot be known unless the cause is known. One cannot understand the nature of any object unless one learns its origin. The inability of the senses to understand the causes behind the visible forms leads to the notion that the causes are completely isolated from the effect. Yajnavalkya further says just as fire is the source of the sparks, embers, and flames, the ultimate truth or pure intelligence is the source of all knowledge - the Vedas, history, mythology, the arts, the Upanishads, verses, aphorisms, elucidations and explanations. He gives another example and says “As a lump of salt dropped into water becomes dissolved in water and cannot be taken out again, but wherever we taste the water it tastes salt, even so, my dear, this great, endless, infinite Reality is Pure Intelligence alone” (Sethumadhavan, 2012). After attaining oneness, the self has no more consciousness.

Maitreyi doesn’t agree to this deduction and says, "Just here you have bewildered me, venerable Sir, by saying that after attaining oneness the self has no more consciousness" (Sethumadhavan, 2012) and questions about the contradictory concepts - ultimate reality/pure intelligence and absence of consciousness.

Yājñavalkya, clarifying her doubt, explains that when the individual existence of the self that is superimposed by ignorance and is connected with the body and organs is destroyed by knowledge of Brahman, the individual consciousness connected with the body consisting of a false notion, is destroyed. Just as while the reflection of the sun disappears when the water on which it is reflected is disturbed or emptied out yet the sun, the reality behind the reflection remains as it is, similarly ''Brahman'' (ultimate reality) remains unchanged even when the individual consciousness is destroyed by Knowledge. Yajnavalkya thus explained that nothing exists separately from the self and only awareness of the ''Parmatma'' (Supreme Soul) is fundamental for the realisation of ultimate truth.

The Yajnavalkya-Maitreyi dialogue is significant for many reasons. First, the dialogue underlines the Vedic perception of knowledge. Yajnavalkya emphasizes on the three essential practices that lead to true knowledge - ''Shravana'' or listening conscientiously, ''Manan'' or reflecting on the teachings/ knowledge acquired, and ''Nidhidyasan'' or meditating on the truth. Knowledge develops in our inner self. Knowledge, perceived by the senses and processed by the mind and the intellect, exists as our evolved and conscious self. Hence, meditating on the received/perceived knowledge is given primary importance. Kapil Kapoor in “Indian knowledge system: Nature, Philosophy and Character” explains that Indian philosophers are cynical about the possibility of accessing or recognizing the ultimate truth and hence they give importance to meditation and deliberations in acquiring true knowledge. Indian philosophers thus believe in arriving at truth through hypothetical-deductive methodology, give importance to perception and inference as well as ''tarka'' (argumentation).The Indian philosophy of ''ekatvabuddhi'' (synthesizing intellect) and the belief that “the highest form of knowledge is the knowledge of Oneness of all, ''abheda'' (of non-difference), of transcending the opposition between the Self and the Other(s)” (Kapoor & Singh, 2005) is not in opposition to the different points of view''.''

Indian concept of knowledge is way more inclusive. As Kapil Kapoor, while comparing Indian knowledge system with western tradition, argues that knowledge in the west is perceived as a threat to innocence, and often associated with power that leads to the fall of man. The Western worldview has always been man-centric. Kapoor explains that while in the middle age God was at the centre of study, during Renaissance the focus was shifted to Nature. Man, and his object of study have always been at conflict. As Kapoor puts it “it is almost as if man is always threatened by or is at the least in the presence of an adversary which has to be subdued or neutralized or used in the interest of man. While through the Middle Ages, God entered into this adversarial relationship with man - seeking obedience from him, punishing him, now Nature becomes the great adversary and the new knowledge, Science, is put to service to bend Nature to man's purpose” (Kapoor & Singh, 2005).

Knowledge is thus seen as an instrument of power in this conflict model, a mechanism to deal with the conflict. Kapoor quotes from the ''Old Testament'' to explain how man has been given authority over all the earth and treated it as a matter of his right to maintain and extend this power. Knowledge in this paradigm is exteriorized. It is stored outside the mind in the narratives that have acquired societal authority. Thus, an individual becomes a passive recipient and user. Truth is not derived from experience, but from the individual who claims to know. On the contrary in the Indian thought system, the aim of knowledge is not exercising power over others but power over one self, liberation of the self from its own limitations. Though gurus were revered but whatever they taught was not considered as eternal truth.

Second, the dialogue reflects Maitreyi’s inquisitive mind. She not only initiates the philosophical dialogue that explores the knowledge of the ''atman'' and the ''brahman'' but also engages in argumentation. She is neither a passive listener nor accepts the inferences of Yajnavalkya without questioning. She clearly voices her doubts and asks the right questions. She earns the respect of Yajnavalkya who honours her quest for knowledge and answers her questions through elaborate explanations and illustrative examples. The dialogue thus underlines how women in the Vedic age participated in the intellectual discourse. They didn’t confine themselves within the domestic world; rather searched for superior knowledge. In the Vedic tradition women’s voices were not silenced, their inquisitive mind was not considered as a threat to male supremacy. This reflects that the Vedic era was more evolved and believed in equal rights for women. Prof. Shashi Prabha Kumar in her talk on ''Vedic Feminism'' organised by Vivekananda International Foundation on 19 October 2020 states that Vedic tradition has an inherent spiritual outlook which reflects perfect equality between women and men in every aspect of life and existence. She argues that Vedic feminism transcends the concerns of contemporary feminism in the West and reflects a “positive and participatory, constructive and complimentary, and healthy and holistic viewpoint for the needs and aspirations of a gender-just egalitarian society.” In the ''Samkhya'' philosophy ''women is perceived as prakriti'' (matter) while men as ''purusa'' (consciousness). Thus, Vedic culture mirrors the contemporary eco-feminism wherein woman is seen as nature itself. Feminism as a literary and socio-political movement might have started in the West but its true essence was practiced in the Vedic era.

Third, the dialogue underlines certain similarities between the theoretical premises of Plato, a Greek philosopher and the philosophical postulations of Yajnavalkya on true knowledge/ultimate reality. Plato in the ''Republic'' address two primary questions: What is justice? Why should we be just? In his attempts to find an answer to these questions through dialogues – in the model of a conversation between a teacher and his students Plato distinguishes between knowledge and ignorance and opines that knowledge is related to truth, whereas ignorance is related to unreality. Plato’s allegory of the cave that explains how humans perceive false notion of reality is akin to Yajnavalkya’s reference to ‘the reflection of the sun’. It is interesting to note that while the Republic was authored around 375 BCE, ''Brihadaranyaka Upanishad'' which contains the Maitreyi-Yajnavalkya dialogue is estimated to have been composed about 700 BCE. Yet though Plato and his philosophies are widely read and have found a significant position in the curriculum, Yajnavalkya finds no mention even in Indian academia.

Therefore, Indian knowledge system in the form of Vedas and Upanishads need to be excavated and re-read to decolonise the education system and popularise the Indian philosophers and their philosophies across and outside the country. The Indian philosophers had a different and rational perspective on education. They believed that one cannot gain true understanding if the acquired knowledge is not retained without any distortion or personal prejudice. Thus memorialisation and contemplation were given primary importance. Nidhidhyasan (continuous deliberation) of all acquired knowledge was considered an enduring process. Facts change with time and context; hence they cannot be regarded as eternal truths. Therefore it is important to assess the relevance of any given knowledge regularly. It is necessary to revise what is not relevant. Indian tradition doesn’t believe in blind belief or blind reverence and this is the essence of true knowledge that needs to be incorporated in education system today.

=== References ===

# Kapoor, Kapil & Avadesh Kumar Singh (eds) (2005). ''Indian knowledge system''. Indian Institute Advanced Study. DK Printworld Pvt. Ltd. pdf.

2. Sethumadhavan, T. N. (Translator) (2012). ''Brihadaranyaka Upanishad: The Flame without a Flicker,''Part1:Madhukanda.Esamskriti.<nowiki>https://www.esamskriti.com/essays/docfile/36_946.pdf</nowiki>.

Matuas and their Identity Formation: Locating the Paradox of a Community through Shared Narratives.

2023-10-14T08:56:38Z

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Authored by Ayan Chakraborty

Religious identity has been a major determinant for cultural discourses even in the secular, post-modern understanding of human society. Modernity, with its grand narratives, employed all its methods to negotiate traditional morality with anthropocentric ‘rationality’ that, did well to revolt against the overwhelming power of the clergy in the European social system. In this, we might attempt to locate that Cartesian politics, with its inclination towards empiricism and logical positivism, had always struggled to formulate a common ground between human logic and divine morality. For instance, even while deriving from Newtonian arithmetic, philosophers like Spinoza, Leibniz, Voltaire leading to Kant attempted to understand human knowledge on an experimental and scientific ground. But if this is the ideological, modern framework in the West, the East has narrated an uneven but intense story of cultural consciousness. A part of this phenomenon is, of course, due to the anti-colonial movements and religious differences that serve to both resist and interrogate Western ethics.

In India, the idea of religious understanding has often expanded to generate cultural nationalism (on religious lines) as a mainstream political discipline. This might not be particularly conspicuous in relation to the West where liberal democracies have also witnessed sporadic religious events on nationalist thoughts and it is far more pervasive within the theocratic political systems in the Middle East and Southern Asia. However, in India, the religious and the social questions are far more complex and plural. India, having inherited a heterogenous identity, is a unique socio-cultural phenomenon to understand.

This chapter studies one such community that narrates a case of caste based but deeply religious revival. The Matua community has a historiography that goes back to the second half of the nineteenth century and the story originates around Bangladesh’s Orakandi. The community has bore the brunt of caste oppression and if narratives are to be believed, of communal exploitation as well. This might be plausible due to rigid caste structures within Hinduism and the conflict of the Hindus with the Muslims in the then East Pakistan. Economic deprivation is also an issue that the Matuas relate to. And as most structures of oppression are transferred and transmitted across cultures, the Matua community is said to have experienced intense deprivation in their myriad inter-community interactions and experiences.

But the Matua community, today, is at the centre of both cultural and political discourse. On one hand, the Matuas relate to the caste ideals that has shaped their history for more than some centuries. On the other hand, they have looked upon their guru as an incarnate of the Hindu God Vishnu and align themselves to a modified understanding of the Vaishnaviteparampara. There is also a mythic project in construction which is interestingly dialogic. It engages with both the Bhakti tradition of Vaishnavite devotion and the Dalit mythic project.

To begin with, let us look at the Dalit mythic perspective. Within this paradigm, we notice that Dalit scholars have worked on a mythic dimension that runs almost in contestation with the caste Hindus. The Dalit scholars have created their own icons who might engage in an oppositional discourse with the upper caste system. In a religion like Hinduism, ‘mythopoesis’ is an integral element to develop community recognition. The Dalit epistemology, having faced caste based conflicts, also evolved a narrative of their own that was to re-assert their identity in terms of both cultural capital and beyond the purity-profanity binary.

These mythic systems space in for more dialogues and deliberations on the human condition, often enter into relationships of conflict and coordination and engage one narrative against the other. The Matuas are categorically Dalits, specifically called the namashudras in Bengal who historically have been placed on the lowest rungs of the caste divide.

However, the Matua community did not follow the narratives of Dalit politics which sought to challenge the larger Hindu order. They formed a mythic system, an exclusive sub-culture of their own, that affirmed the Hindu value system and yet looked beyond caste divides.

The All India Matua Mahasangha released a journal edition as their special issue in 2017 commemorating the 206th birth anniversary of Shri Harichand Thakur. It was named as the Sara Bharat Matua MahasanghaPatrika. Under a section entitled “Matua Darshan: Sangshar O Ishwar” (meaning “Matua Philosophy: The World and God”), the Mahasangha explicated on the ideas that are popular to the community. It remarks on “the advent” of Shri Harichand at a time “when India was being tortured under the exploitative rules of the British and radical Brahmanism was smothering the Hindu religion, when Christian missionaries and Islamic maulvis were attempting to lure the namashudras either through cultural and material gains or intimidate them into submission by force”. (Thakur, et al., 2017, p.17)1.

These lines resonate with the sacred Hindu text, the Gita, where the Lord promises to incarnate Himself for delivering mankind during times of oppression and adharma. It further claims, “The theory of incarnation remains integral to India’s religious belief systems and no matter how we try to interpret it, in simpler intelligence this would be about mankind and the message of humanity.” (Thakur, et al., 2017, p.17)1.

The section also details on how Indian traditions refused to look at ‘religion’ and life as separate spheres of philosophy and practice. In short it reiterated the Hindu motifs of self meditation to attain Godhood (narayantattva). However, while all these statement seem to be in line with established Hindu thought, the Matuas differ regarding the theory of incarnation in the Kali Yuga (the last of the four yugas in the popular Hindu religious system). Shri Harichand Thakur, himself a Matua and the guru of the community, is documented to have asserted, “He who takes birth at ‘low society’ and will deliver the community and the nation// if He does not live with the downtrodden, then can it be called incarnation?” (Thakur, et al., 2017, p.18)1. Such belief went on to establish Shri Harichand as a messianic figure beyond an ordinary human attribute, “This be the reason why the Matua incarnation was a need// and hence to Yashmant descended God himself to breed”. (Thakur, et al, 2017, p.17)1.

These instances can serve the preliminary point for us to understand that the Matua community averted any form of radical counter-discourse to the central tenets of the Hindu religion. On the contrary, it can be claimed that it had really attempted to look onto itself as a reformist branch, a kind of a Bhakti tradition, which had the potential of delivering both the community in particular and Hindu society at large.

Now many reasons can be hypothetically attributed to such a conception. One of these might be the lack of Dalit political consciousness in the nineteenth century. This would relate to the lack of agency to construct an exclusive caste based platform to counter caste oppression by radically disengaging with Hindu shastras. Again, this might also be attributed to the inclination to be recognized as a Hindu sub-cultural movement that could resist Abrahamic aggression.The other reason could be to build Hinduism around a power centre that excluded caste hegemony. It possibly took over itself the ‘saviour complex’ of reformation and social responsibility. Whatever be the reason, the narrative that placed the founder of the Matua Mahasanga Shri Harichand Thakur as an incarnation of Lord Vishnu is a spectacular point to study against the backdrop of caste and religious politics

The Matua Mahasangha was established in around c.1860 AD under Shri Harichand Thakur’s directives. The movement primarily based itself as a cultural successor to the Bhakti movement of the previous centuries and sprawled heavily both in several pockets of today’s Bangladesh and a large section from the namashudra caste in modern day West Bengal.

Interestingly, all the texts that the Matua Mahasangha has produced have depicted the Sangha as a Vaishnavite Cult. The narratives that dwell on the formation of this almost cult based movement trace their lineage to the various figures from the Vishnu Purana and the spiritualism of saintly figures like Shri Chaitanya and Guru Nanak. The movement received a setback in Bangladesh with the Indian partition and later on, based itself in the district of the North 24 Paraganas in West Bengal, India with Bongaon and Thakurnagar as the centres of the Mahasangha’s spiritual activity. The Mahasangha perpetuates the messages from Shri Harichand Thakur and has currently created a peculiar form of caste consciousness that is curious but interesting in understanding alternative forms of religiosity.

For instance, the Matuas do not identify themselves with the term ‘Dalit’ in their cultural narratives and instead seem to be at ease with the more homely references like the namashudras and more particularly the Matuas. It is important to note that the Matuas were primarily chandalas, one of the lowest sub-castes of Dalits who were exposed to untouchability and largely had the Chamars, Malis and Telis. It remains difficult to understand if by adhering to the exclusive identity of the ‘Matua Samaj’, there surfaces in them a tendency to negate or preclude the possibilities of broader caste specific discourse. To add to its current positioning on religious reformation, the Matuas have re-defined the understanding of communal co-existence and broadened their ideological pursuits on the notion of political autonomy within the cultural condition. In this paper, I base my research upon a report that was submitted to the Department of English, Jadavpur University in collaboration with RUSA 2.0 on a project entitled, “Narratives of Faith: Devotional Songs and Poetry in the Eastern Parts of India”. It was subsequently published by the department. The report contains interviews that were extensively conducted during the month of September in 2019. This paper also seeks to look at the narratives of the community on the basis of texts that were procured in the process for greater study.

Thakurnagar is a suburban location under the North 24 Paraganas district and is the second last station towards Bongaon from Sealdah (Kolkata). The Thakurbari, located at a few miles away from the station, is the religious epicenter of community life and social regulation. A spacious hall, one storied and rectangular in shape resembles the ancient auditoriums of Indian temples where small plays and musical performances were put up. In the local memory, the space has been used as an assembly hall where religious functions are held on Fridays (second Fridays of every month) where special prayer meetings are convened (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p. 2)2. Commonly termed as the ShantihShabha, the assembly hall beholds the majestic temple of Thakurbari right before it..

The temple is made up of white stone and beautifully carved out marble. It is a three storied building that houses the vigrahas of Harichand Thakur and his consort Shantih Devi. The assembly hall , in its regular second Friday meetings, aims to spread ‘universal peace’ (shantih) for mankind but as Mr. Motilal Biswas (alias Mohitananda Goswami) remarks, “The ShantihShabha is definitely for the prayers to invoke universal peace but its nomenclature is primarily due to Shantih Maa, the divine mother.” (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p. 4)2 . Now, Shantih Devi is the consort of Harichand Thakur, a social icon who has been elevated to the stature of the divine mother. Considered to be an incarnation of the feminine Goddess of the Hindu system, Shantih Devi becomes the maternal figure who helps to develop Harichand Thakur’s cult as a sub-religion of sorts.

The temple is undoubtedly the central landmark in the village around which the community revolves with its daily livelihood. A great expanse of land encloses the temple from all directions and a small building marks the boundaries of the temple at a distant spot away from the road.

There are two more buildings a little further from the temple close to the eastern side of it where it encloses a pond. This pond, as Mr. Biswas remarks is a counterpart of the original pond near Harichand Thakur’s home in Orakandi, Bangladesh. This pond named as the Kshirganga has been believed to have therapeutic properties while the one at Thakurnagar is equally revered with similar devotion and faith. Mr. Biswas remarks:

The pond is very sacred, this water is believed to have medicinal qualities. We take dips here on all holy occasions. Many people have also got their wishes fulfilled here. This is the beauty of our faith. Harichand Thakur is our father and guardian. He is our God...Do you understand? He was not just a human. He was God himself in human form. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p. 5)2.

In the report, Mr. Biswas, one of the senior most devotees of the Matua Mahasangha , in conversation to the interviewers mentioned further.

I have been raised here at Thakurnagar but my parents have been from Bangladesh. I have always known that there is one God for us and he is Shri HarichandThakur . You know, I heard stories of severe persecution both from the Hindu upper castes and the Muslim radicals. Our entire colonies were untouchables, my father used to narrate such grim tales. Shri Harichand Thakur had such charisma that even the upper castes were afraid to speak against him. And he had immense knowledge of Hindu texts, more than the scholars and Brahmins. The Brahmins hadsuch misdirected textual knowledge that they never could counter Thakur. Thakur’s sudden elevation within Orakandi community was because he was God. All animals and birds also loved him and seemed to know that he is an avatar. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, pp. 5-6)2.

He also elaborated on what dharma, as an idea, meant to him:

Dharma is about the conjunction of two terms morei- dhar. Harichand Thakur used to say this. It means ‘hold me’. Guruchand Thakur said religion should bind us all together as one, single humankind. He was Vishnu himself and He showed us that God must take birth among the low people to preach equality and to expose the hypocrisies of the upper castes. Our caste is a matter of pride for us. We showed direction (spiritual) to people when they could not find any. We preserved Hinduism from the assaults of other religions. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p.6)2.

This is indeed an interesting understanding of the caste issue. The report further mentions him to have added more on this:

Yes we belong to the namashudras, we were untouchables once. And look! Now upper castes also come at our temple and also touch the feet of our elders. We are not dalits. We are God’s own gifted people who are here to break down a treacherous establishment as the caste Also, let me tell you, our community is not only open to Hindus, it is for all religions. Our Mahasangha has given spaces and designations to Muslims and Christians too in the past. As long as they are accepting of our Guru and God, we accept everyone equally. About participation of religious minorities, he says, “The participation is very limited now, not that we are not accepting them but may be they have their own reasons but one might spot a few during the mela and mahotsav in summer. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p. 6).

A great religious festival is conducted every year around March, in the Bengali month of Chaitra, when Puja is done with utmost devotion and Thakur’s biography is displayed. Small makeshift shops are allowed to spring up in the fields that otherwise remain wide empty around the year. This also generates employment for a month and makes a religious festival turn more communitarian.

The report mentions Mr. Biswas narrating more on this:

We do not allow large companies to use our fair to amass profit. The fair is meant for the local population. Handmade commodities are sold off and the character of the meeting is agrarian… but the amount is not optimum. It is mostly based on our community’s efforts and the funds of the Mahasabha. See, the government should help us more but this does not mean that we will allow them to alter the fundamental character of the mela or the meeting. It will be governed as per the directives of the Mahasabha. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p. 8)2.

Regarding the question of religion and caste, he adds:

Yes we are Hindus but we are Matuas first. If our belief system is not provided with enough respect, we will stand by it first. Shri Harichand has followed Hindu philosophy and he is the real avatar in kaliyuga; we hope every Hindu will accept him that way. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, pp.5-6)2.

 To the Matuas, then, caste itself is a religion of deliverance. From one perspective, the idea of religion and religious philosophy that aligns the Matuas to the greater Hindu Vaishnavite cult does not create a newer centre of power but takes over power from all those centres that defined/defines the centre-periphery binary. In this regard, just as Hinduism is not considered to be monolithic with its philosophical contradictions and plurality, the Matua worldview extends the standard theory of divine incarnation towards a discourse of the downtrodden. The incorporation of the belief in incarnation is significant when we read in terms of community definitions and issues appertaining egalitarianism.

In the report, a villager named Mrs. Lalita Biswas who hails from the same village has been able to construct a small make shift shop that sells nominal articles of living. She has a separate cubicle within the shop where she sells religious paraphernalia like flowers for offerings, incense sticks, candles and their likes. Mrs. Biswas in “a very private interaction” mentions how life is with the Mahasangha. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020. p.11)2.

She clarifies further on the issue:

We have privacy with our lives but we swear our allegiance to Binapani Devi after Shantih Maa. She is also an incarnation of the divine mother. Tell me, can Gods come down to earth in their original form? They have to take human forms. Didn’t you read the Gita? Harichand Thakur’s family is the yugapurush and their abode.

On Hinduism and the caste question, she replied:

Isn’t it true that followers of our own religion treated us miserably? They failed us. They humiliated and tortured us. But I don’t blame Hinduism, our religion is altruistic. It was Brahmanism that ruined it. Today, I can touch their (Brahmin’s) feet but can they touch ours? Where is dignity then? Or humanity? But God is there. He descended as Thakur and redeemed us. He taught them too. We are all children of the same God. But Harichand Thakur is the God we know and see. Tomorrow if the caste Hindus do not give us our dignity, then we can practice Vaishnavism and Hinduism without Brahmins or other upper castes. You will call it a different religion, call it but Thakur believed in Hinduism and we do the same. But we do not think Hinduism belongs to upper castes alone.” (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, pp. 11-12)2.

In this brief interview, the last few lines are extremely significant. There are at least a couple of things that can be considered from her words. First that there is no radical breakaway from Hindu philosophy or counter generation of caste based mythic system. The Matuas on the contrary attempts to ‘reconstruct’ the discourse by modifying it and ‘liberating’ (appropriating) the centres of power that fuels caste discourse. The sentiment of sub religious identity is a curious location in religion containing ritualist centripetal and caste based centrifugal forces with an extraordinary ‘third space’ where the form of religious principles is retained by altering the structure of it. This tremendous but suppressed caste consciousness against identity is one of a kind.

The report also mentions Mr. Suranjan Halder who happens to be at a position of power in the managing authority of the Matua Sangha (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p.13)2. Unlike the other two voices that have been referred to in this paper, Mr. Halder bears with him the additional nuances of both ‘authority’ and ‘legitimacy’ as a figure in the Sangha.

Chakraborty and Ghosh (2020) records:

The Sangha is here to administer all activities related to religious life of the Matuas. Social life really depends on religion and we do not see them to be very different...of course we do not interfere in the quotidian businesses of our community members but we are very conscious as a community and our responsibilities. Of all, the most important task at hand is to make our existence matter and felt. This is important for us to retain the advances that we have made on this land (West Bengal) and develop our lives…We are a very conscious caste of people who will not be deprived or dominated by any gamut of power. Be it political, economic or caste based, we will attempt to bring in equality and move towards equity. Even after decades since partition and several periods of immigration from Bangladesh, our conditions have not improved much. There has been governmental apathy and neglect. Our association is to demand back the rightful that would positively dignify our lives…You see we have community kitchens and common dining rooms where bhog is served to the devotees. We don’t charge financial aid from the poor and the needy, we rather ensure that they do not return famished. Hunger for food and wisdom are very important requirements for every community. Our finances are mainly drawn from the government and voluntary donations including the relatively rich from our community. (pp. 13-14).

On the questions of caste and religion he remarks:

Yes we are Hindus but Matuas first. We are Vaishnavites and we respect the tradition of Vishnu and swear by our Guru Harichand Thakur who was Vishnu himself. We reject caste based hierarchy and have requested caste Hindus to involve Thakur as widely as Chaitanya Dev in the Vaishnavite sect but only limited wok has been done. We are happy to embrace caste Hindus here and work with us for betterment of our community. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p.15).

The report mentions Mr. Halder to have informed the interviewers that apart from the monthly prayer meetings (every second Friday), there are special Pujas during Dol Purnima or Holi and a few other full moon nights where they are able to arrange for Shri Hari San kirtan at their convenience. Besides these, in the Bengali month of Chaitra (March by the Gregorian calendar), there is a huge fair that lasts for about a month with regular pujas in the temple and the entire fields occupied by makeshift shops that sell rural commodities from handicrafts to plastic buckets and steel utensils. In short, the fair has to offer for people across all ages and satisfies all avenues of the utility function.

The report also mentions references to a procession that was held on the afternoon when the interview was conducted.

The men wore dhotis and vests and held onto large flags that were red and white in combination. On closer look, it would be apparent that the men would lead the procession in groups and the women, more colourful in their attire, would follow them clapping hands and singing hymns. The idea of the procession served both a communitarian function as an invocation call for the meeting and was symptomatic of a tradition that ought to be followed. A bit of questioning helped us to know more. We were told that this loud procession carried with them the militant spirit that was now reduced to mere tokenism. During the preceding century, the drums and the cymbals were not only displayed as symbols of unity but also served as a clarion call for militant resistance. Some even claimed that nominal weapons were also carried at times of severe oppression. This resistance went beyond caste lines often as a symbol of anti-feudal movement (in modern day Bangladesh) where many zamindars and jyotdars were themselves from the oppressed classes as well. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, pp. 16-17)2.

Such historiographical tracing is an important method to understand the religiosity of the community.

The report provides with a vivid description of the procession:

The procession revolved around the temple complex thrice and ended in loud glorification of thakur. The doors of the temple that were kept shut since late morning were flung open and we had the opportunity of catching a glimpse of the vigrahas. Shri Harichand Thakur (vigraha) sat beside Shantih Devi and the sanctum sacnctorum had an ‘Om’ mark right before the entrance. (Chakraborty and Ghosh, 2020, p.17)2.

The adoption of ‘Om’ represents the alignment with greater Hinduism at large. The narratives of the oppressed castes, in this extraordinary case of the Matuas, are significant. There can be multiple factors contributing to the same.

To begin with, though the Dalit movements of the twentieth century recognized several precedent movements under Hinduism that located reformation as their goal (for instances the Bhakti Movement , the Lokyata branch of knowledge , the Arya Samaj, etc, most of them were spearheaded by upper caste leadership and the idea of Gandhian justice and ‘trusteeship’).

For the Matuas, even in the twenty first century, the desire to either identify themselves as a completely separate ethnic community beyond Hindu traditions or the militancy to synonymise Hinduism with caste (like most Dalit subcultures) is feeble if not absent. The Matuas are conscious of their autonomy, one can witness the underlying currents but these would do little to surpass the overwhelming presence of Vaishnavite ethics that form the major thought of Matua reality.

Chakraborty and Ghosh (2020) provide details on the puja:

The puja that begun in the afternoon included hymns and vigraha worship before more community members crowded the temple complexes and its adjoining fields. The assembly filled up with swarms of women as a few them sat down with their back to the temple; they were facing the women who had taken their seats on the floor covered with carpet. The women started the Shantih Sabha with reading out from a couple of texts that comprised the teachings of Thakur and his mortal consort, Shantih Devi. The women, as we came to know, read aloud from passages that are meant to be “ideal conducts” for them to save morality and in turn, their idea of religion. The second session followed at about eight in the evening where men recited sections that were advised to them by Thakur. (pp. 18-19).

These texts are, in fact, the prescribed ‘rule book’ that is supposed to govern the intricacies of Matua life.

There are texts that are directly published by the “Matua Barta Press”. The press is run independently by the office bearers of the Matua Shangha and is edited by Shri Manoj Tikadar and Kagendranath Bariei. All these texts are seminal to understand the strain of caste consciousness against broader Hinduism and the complicacies that lie in between them. The most significant text that deals with the exhortations of Shri Harichand and Shantih Devi is commonly termed as “Shri Hari Vandana o Upadeshabali, Shantih Mayer Pranam Mantra ebong Korongo Malar Tattwakotha” in Bengali which can roughly be translated as “Shri Hari’s Eulogy and his Exhortations, the Saluatations for Shantih Ma and the Scriptural Genealogy of the Karanga Garland.” (Thakur et al 2017, pp.4-6)1.

The text has three major sections which deal with Harichand Thakur’s extensive advises for a spiritual but homely life, a section that shows reverence for his wife Shantih Devi and the genealogy of the Karanga beads (that serves the same purpose as that of rosary). We shall try to study and understand the religious function that such texts perform within the community.

The first section that deals with the invocation and initial anointment of the Thakur family is termed as “vanadana” or veneration. This piece almost offers a catalogue of all major figures that turned disciple and upheld the prominent positions of the Matua community. The list incepts at Harichand Thakur and continues with his disciples and relatives like Krishna Das, Shri Vaishnav, Shri Gauri Das, Shri Swarap Das and others. The list continues to the successive generations and includes his son Shri Guruchand’s name along with a few other names of these generations like Shri Dasharath, Braja, Natu and Vishwanath.

The catalogue has a prefatory aspect that offers more than an introductory function. The names of the figures mentioned in the catalogue are all relatives and descendants of the divine incarnate Harichand Thakur. This entire idea of Thakur and his disciples are presented from a pedestal that is shared by the apostles of major religions. This allows the community to preserve the potential of hewing out a sub-religion of sorts. But then the question arises if it is not same for all major sects within Hinduism too. The answer might be in the affirmative but for the ease of understanding, it is mostly about spirituality and bhakti alone.

 Here, the more significant idea would be that of caste and hence of identity. Unlike other sects that reduce caste/class identity to approach the transcendental path, the Matua understanding of religiosity is founded on a greater consciousness and thus does not remain spiritual alone in the endeavour.

Identity is essentially a political phenomenon and invites history to re-read the inexorability of religious interests in terms of politics and subsequently create an identity, both unstable and dynamic, that attempts to stabilize individual existence and community imagination. The idea of politics when associated with stronger motives of exploitation/exploiter adapts to a much more expressive and active forms of assertion and resistance.

For Matuas, this becomes an intriguing point of conception given their assertion and approximation of the very power centre that had relegated its identity without breaking away from greater religion. This probably gives their understanding a far more paradoxical texture in its easy acceptance amongst people due to a strong sub-cultural. However, it is also about the egalitarian principles that are integral to the Matua identity. This formidable but positive ambiguity is marked with certainty that presents itself almost everywhere: from the ‘Om’ mark of the temple just before the sanctum sanctorum of the vigrahas to the confident affirmation coming from the trust and the devotees.

However, it is interesting to note that in the second section that is headlined as mongolachoron or the auspicious utterances label Harichand Thakur as “a reservoir of love//one without a beginning or end” (Sarkar, 2016, p.2). This deification of the Matua founder is made completely overt through the incorporation of the figure into the cosmology of the Hindu mythic system:

Kali (yuga) arrives after satya, treat and dwapar//but this is a great age for the Vaishnavites//since it is the youngest of all ages, it is also the greatest of all//this same kaliyuga has given us the incarnate Gouranga, in our times he had arrived as Darubrhamo//... (Sarkar, 2016, pp. 2-3).

This re-telling of the Hindu idea of time and ages through the pantheon of avatars those who have descended across ages continues in a rather descriptive mode of narration. The continuation of the various Vishnu avatars marks itself as we reach “The God himself, the full brahman, manifests totally as Sachi’s son//He was Shri Chaityanya who was ebullient...A disciple is one who can steal Hari (Vishnu) from Himself//Harichand is the ultimate avatar in the recent times” (Sarkar, 2016, p.3).

These statements re-establish the spiritual validation that Matua line of thought attempts to sew into the late modern Hindu philosophy. The deification of Harichand was essentially to re-affirm traditions of the past and a probable understanding “into a greater scheme of things.” Harichand’s description is not peculiar to this context either. Aligning the textual organization like most sacred texts follow in the Hindu approach to worship, the descriptive motif is almost minute in Harichand as well. He is described to be of “Having a shorter neck like an elephant//rounded feet, nails and fingers delicate//eyes that are illumined with a tinge of red, ruddy complexion// naturally cultivated eyebrows that tend to meet each other.” (Sarkar, 2016, p.3). All these physical traits are further elevated to the stratum of being intrinsic to all humans who are incarnates of the divine.

The text also delineates on the circumstances of Thakur’s birth and the conditions of the Matuas during his times:

Yashwant and Annapura were all blessed souls//they conceived God himself as their son//give glory to the almighty Harichand//glorify Shantih Mata who has this world at her feet. Glorify. Guruchand who is as virtuous as time himself, and sing tributes to Satyavama who is the mother of this world...I sing of Prathamchand who is the well wisher of this world and I salute Veenapani who has endowed us with speech. (Sarkar, 2016, p. 4).

This spate of tributes is certainly more than just sectarian Vaishnavism of a kind. To read through the lines would make us believe that the proclivities of a sub-religion are stronger than that of a reduced sect. And thus Harichand’s birth is almost analogized to that of Shri Krishna (or even Christ), he is proclaimed as the almighty on earth and his wife as the universal mother while his scions are equally glorified.

I note that all these verses attempt to perform an exactly opposite function to that of general Hindu mythic pattern; it mythologizes humans against humanizing the mythological. It means that while it is usual within the Hindu dharma looks at divinity from a saakar or humanizing form of the cosmic energy, the Matuas elevated the human to a divine form.

Thus, there is an interesting approach into ‘recoupling’ history and myth and citing history as a mythological doctrine. The striking, almost metaphorical, coupling of Shri Hari’s (Vishnu’s) worship as synonymous to that of Harichand and Veenapani Devi to the power of speech (which in Hindu belief system is dedicated to Goddess Saraswati, interestingly whose other name is Veenapani too) is probably a greater statement on the deification process.

 The section ends with the glorification of the ‘twelve mad men’ (notable Vishnavite saints whom the Matuas idealized) and the sixty four Mahants and Gosains (Vaishnava saints) to whom they “ask for deliverance”. These last lines depict a careful balancing act that, yet again, upholds the forces of reclamation without radicalism.

However, the most pertinent point amongst these would be the medium of language in this regard. All these invocations and dedications, although, in line with the greater Hindu phenomenon, do not use Sanskrit as the language of performance. Very interestingly, Sanskrit is the language of the priestly order, the Brahmins. Herein, the repudiation of Sanskrit as the language of prayer is a great statement not only in terms of resisting dominant caste cultures but also promoting political regionalism as a mode of identity assertion. These dimensions are of extreme significance when we look at the political subculture of the Matua community.

In the text, the next section elaborates on the exhortations of Harichand Thakur. His role is like that of a guide to and an administrator of community realities. An important point in this description might be to take note of the fact that Matua spirituality does not rely on material renunciation; rather it affirms identity and religious politics through the indulgence in it. It is true that Hinduism, as an umbrella term, entails different ways to approach life. The four purusharthas prescribe worldly pleasures to achieve redemption. But the Matuas have devised a set of terms that are intrinsic to their identity.

Thakur’s exhortations range across serving parents and community relationships till idealism required to govern both men and women in their desires and contributions. For instance:

Parents are the stem of the tree which bears Hari as the fruit, disrespecting them would mean axing down the tree// Respect men as your parents and guardians, without husbands a wife has no route to salvation//I, Harichand, am confirming this...Never let a woman serve men by massaging the body or anointing it, there is no vice as poor as this, those women who touch other men are not matuas and are damned//Let that be clear to all” (Sarkar, 2016, pp. 15-19).

Hence the approach is both integrative and regulative towards community life and at times problematic.

Subsequently, like most pre-modern societies, the distance between private actions and public imagination is almost fused into a greater holistic social life that is not, at any least, tangibly romantic. Again, let us look at these verses, “Those who wear the karanga garland (beads) are people of Hari//accept them as your own brothers...sattva and raja creates the homely life, this was established by Harichand alone” (Sarkar, 2016, pp. 20-22). This sense of demarcating identity is based on certain appearances that are, themselves, taken as ‘texts’ for reading.

What is however striking is that Harichand himself is credited to have established this system of domestication and one that has been established on the guna theory. This can easily be synchronized with the almost deliberate pun on the name of ‘Hari’ and the Vaishnavite mythology, thus claiming Harichand Thakur as the true and ‘purna avatar’ of Vishnu. Similar deification is seen in other cases as well. In the same narrative, Shantih Devi has been described as “Food and resources are the gift of Shantih Ma//wherever she is, Harichand rests at the same place//She is Laxmi who bestows her children with gifts” (Sarkar, 2016, p. 27).

Thakur’s advices also lay down rules to prevent of any form of intoxication, gambling, and reluctance to work. However, the most significant lines might be “Listen to the social laws that I inform you//never bend down to caste rituals and demarcations// Whoever takes birth as humans, belong to the same status” (Sarkar, 2016, p. 41). This utterance in particular is redemptive and in ways anti-canonical and reformist. The overt advocacy for one status for humans across castes, creeds and religions is definitely an invocation of an egalitarian society. The idea of dharma is, however, completely complimentary to the Hindu belief system. “Do your job as a householder//work through devotion and show devotion through mind// Leave others’ faults to reform yours//brush away your own ego for speaking praises to the Lord...Know there is no knowledge system over others//wherever there is dharma, there is victory” (Sarkar, 2016, p. 42).

A point that should be noted that though these verses are said to be enunciated by Thakur himself (and there are plenty of lines that employ the first person narrative from the perspective of Thakur), there are umpteen verses where there is a third person narrator who scuds between the exhortations of Thakur and the construction of the cult’s philosophy.

The deification of Shanti Devi is equally dense, “Descend, O Mother Shantih Devi, you are the Mother of the Earth//You are worshipped in all the three worlds, you are Devi Narayani, Please Come, O Mother, the Consort of Shri Hari.” Shanti Devi’s iconography is thus elevated and intertwined with the divine Goddess. Another instance in the narrative reads, “You are the bestower of our welfare and happiness along with the provider of wealth//You are the embodiment of salvation.” (Sarkar, 2016, pp. 45-46). One is left with no doubt that the verses represent a charged identity for the community where the divine couple serves as a reference point for culture and ritualistic performances.

Interestingly, the iconography is not limited to such epithetic descriptions alone but, like most major religious cultures, makes parables out of them. The parable of Ramlochan’s poverty and Shantih Ma’s blessings that turned into unbounded prosperity and food, the proliferation of financial business for Gopal Sadhu and the showers that erased famines are all touted to be under the kind mercy of the Mother. There is a panchali or an oral narrative that is associated with Shantih Devi (very akin to the tradition of Lakshmi as a Goddess) which, on purpose, works as the social and spiritual guide of Matua women. Highly patriarchal to her critics, there is some definite understanding of body politics within the idea of divinity. The exhortations of Shri Hari were disseminated by Shantih Ma to other women of the community. She says:

Listen o women, if you would wish peace and prosperity, think of me as Lakshmi herself, you will be granted all joys of life...listen to me how to treat you womanhood//take an early bath in the morning to start your day with, perform regular rituals of worship//know that devotion to husband is your dharma...worship your parents who have given you birth//remain a Sati and think on the characters of Cintamoni, Malabati, Shubhadra, Kashishwari...be brave to fight all odds and protect your family// so strong that your heart does not falter at the face of tigers...love your neighbours and be patient// welcome everyone to your door...allow your heart and body for your husband//never speak over your husband...temerity and honour is an ornament to women but excessive shame is not to be spoken well off...Shantih Hari do not wish for any offerings, Shantih Hari just wish for devotion from people (Sarkar, 2016, p.18).

The iconography of Shantih-Hari as a parallel for Lakshmi-Narayan goes as far as to comment “For three Yugas, Vishnu had to bear the separation with Lakshmi in human forms, so finally at Orakandi, Hari and Shantih enjoyed the pleasures of a domestic life (Sarkar, 2016, p. 22).

Similar verses runs through the iconography of Veenapani Devi (the daughter in law of Shantih Devi). She is compared to a spiritual Guru and a provider of religious bent and noble inclination within the Matua community. Similarly, the genealogy of the Karanga Mala (garland of beads) that symbolizes Matuas and their unity is also fabled on the cosmogony of the universe through the puranas and the fruit of coconut. This serves as a classic case of ‘mythologization’ of historical identity (Sarkar, 2016, p.22).

The text that is chiefly attributed to the devotional songs is sung by both the men and the women during different religious occasions of celebration. Interestingly, the text prescribes different rhythms, beats and assonances for each musical performance. Every song that we come across in the text is potently religious, redolent with narratives of human lives that obeyed/disobeyed the exhortations of Thakur and his consort. If the other narratives were more under the order of moral sanctions, these musical performances deal more with the devotees and the apostles. Largely anecdotal in nature, these contain the supernatural and the miraculous, these are traits that span across all religious cultures and sub cultures. The songs are attuned to be sung to dances, almost having an appeal of both the epic and the lyric traditions.

Rhythms or tals are prescribed for the dancing act that is ideally accompanied to the music of the drums, cymbals and harmonium. The flute is occasionally used too. Tals such as Garhkhemta, Jot, Ektala, Thungri, Tim e Teote, are prescribed to be used both in musical utterances and dancing performances. The devotional songs deal with the ten avatars of Vishnu, traces on the teachings of Chaitanya Dev, recount about the cosmological formation of the mythic world, celebrates the birth of Harichand Thakur and notes the deviant cases of Matuas who did not obey Thakur’s exhortations. The lyrics are extraordinary draped within the Bhakti stream of thoughts. Mourning and melancholy become important affective agents of response.

For instances, the sixth song under the section Nagar Kirtan reads:

Oh my heart, the days of your want are gone, now once, at least once, chant the name of ShriKanta//Oh my heart after thousands of births, you are born a human, you won’t be able to live through this samsara, all other efforts will be in vain//so chant the name of Hari and dance in his prem-bhakti...” or in the ninth song, “Why didn’t you think o my mind, now what will happen to you//Why didn’t you take shelter at Harichand’s feet when you had time, no one is yours here// all associations are only transient in life lasting for a few days//The one you love more than your heart, your son//He will offer to light fire on your face// Whom do you call your own?//O my greedy heart// They will cleanse the house after your death and keep till the crematorium// They will sever ties with you//These houses and your wealth will stay back here, the only support will be Hari’s name...” (Sarkar, 2016, p.18).

The next song that is tuned to the Ektalatal reads:

The owner of the other world has descended on earth, hurry and like a flowing river, let us reach Orakandi, Vrindavan, Nabadeep, Golak would also revere such a place, take Hari’s name and dance your way towards that// That place where to spread love He has taken the Orakandi avatar// He was Gourango in Nadia, played on his mortal leela, had tried to draw us to him but still we suffer.// Lord Bhrama, Indra and Pashupati, is unable to find a way to redeem mankind, but now He himself has come to spread Hari’s name//Renunciation of wealth, win over death, birth and pandemics, have been achieved by him who has called on the antidote to the disease of the world//Mahananda says everyday, calls you to his stay, if you wish to live, hold onto Harichand’s legs and plead him to forgive.” (Sarkar, 2016, pp.23-36).

The others sections elaborates on the life of the Matuas. In the fourteenth song, for instance, there is an abstract personification of the community members as one and what emerges is a synechdocal representation of the community through one person:

We thought of easy and profitable business, but O Harichand, Guruchand, my boat has sank//I am in a rudderless boat, I do not know how to row my boat// The Almighty who guided me// seems to have abandoned me...I am clueless in the stormy weather...” (Sarkar, 2016, pp.27-28).

The narrative moves on to describe his illicit gains, “I have traded on non-pious wealth, I have been trading these commodities through my boats, I work for my master who will penalize me now...Oh Harichand, Guruchand, Help me! Help me!” His cry for divine assistance runs through three or four shorter sections tuned to different rhythms after which he surrenders to Harichand weeping, “Now I understand there is no hope but you, Oh Harichand!” (Sarkar, 2016, pp.27-28).

The boats never survive and the wealth is not recovered but the character realizes that it is spirituality that is divine wealth for one’s life. There are stories that resemble this structure of narrative closely. Every disaster is portrayed through mourning till melancholy directs them to spiritual redemption. Almost sermonizing in effect, such narratives legitimize the requirement to ‘surrender’ one’s desires and ambitions through both fear and favour. In a section, the report also mentions that these songs are primarily performed by the men and are called “bhakti panchalis” by most. These are sections that are performed till midnight on special occasions and are trimmed during the Shantih Sabha nights.

The case of Matuas is extremely intriguing not only for the caste question and its interaction with the greater Hindu narrative but also due to its overt political repercussions. The community has recently been at the centre of a competing political system in Bengal. However, the remarkable tenet of the Matua belief system is its tendency to be inclusive within its project of identity. Thus, it might be studied as an exemplary case where social issues are approached with the possibilities of cohesion, where sectarian politics can evolve into a synthetic dialogue between conflicting systems and where unity can lay with all its diversity; in the tolerant land called India.

'''References'''

# Thakur, K., Mallick N. & Kaiya, S. (Eds.) (2017). ''Sara bharatmatuamahasanghapatrika Special Edition.'' Matua Barta Press.
# Chakraborty, A. & Ghosh., A. (2020). ''A report on the religiosity, practices and participation of the matuas.'' (Report for “Narratives of Faith: Devotional Songs and Poetry in the Eastern parts of India”). Department of English, Jadavpur University in collaboration with RUSA
# Kumar, R. (2019). ''Dalit literature and criticism.'' Orient Blackswan.
# Sarkar, H. (Ed.). (2016). ''Shantih ma er pranam-mantra ebongmahattwa (Twelfth Edition)''. Matua Barta Press.
# Sarkar, T C. (Ed.) (2016). ''Shri shrimahasamkirtan''. Sushila Press.

Carvaka School of Thought in Indian Philosophy

2023-10-14T08:56:01Z

Anishg: References

Authored by Vikas Singh Panwar

=== '''Introduction''' ===
The Vedas, the earliest documentation of the intellectual tradition of our great civilisation, are the source of philosophy in India. They were kept under persistent elaboration and illustration and monumental philosophical literature sprang up over several millennia. The Vedas were the source of a large portion of philosophical knowledge, the most important of which are Samkhya-Yoga, Nyaya-Vaisesika, Purva-Mimamsa, and Uttara-Mimamsa. They all believe in the authority and the infallibility of the Vedas. These schools of thought are called Sad Darsana. Three significant schools of Indian philosophy attempted to profess something novel while departing from the Vedic way of thinking. They were branded as nastika. This category was indexed to include Carvaka, Jain, and Buddhist schools of thought. Therefore, classical Indian philosophy was primarily divided into astika and nastika sampradayas (orthodox and heterodox). Among these philosophical systems or schools of thought, the Carvaka school of thought stands out in its epistemological, ontological and metaphysical orientation as no other school of thought does. The position of Carvakas is conspicuous and distinct among all the schools of traditional Indian philosophy because it is the only school which rejects outright ''ishwara'' (God), ''atman'' (soul)'', paraloka'' (afterlife) and the authority of Vedas. It stands out as a unique thought which accepts only ''pratyaksha'' (perception) as the valid means of knowledge (''pramana).'' It is unexampled as it talks of only four basic elements and lays an over-emphasis on sensual pleasure. Even its concept of ''moksha'' (liberation) is unorthodox and strange because it treats ''moksha'' as the destruction of the body. It does not believe in the soul and clearly rejects the concept of ''karmaphala'' and rebirth. All this makes Carvaka a unique ideology and system of thought. This is referred to as the materialistic school of thought, which as a philosophy maintains that the only object that can be demonstrated to exist is matter, and it is considered a type of physicality. This ideology attempts to explain the mind and consciousness as matter-produced phenomena. In general, materialism refers to the inclination to reduce the higher to the lower or to explain the higher phenomena in terms of the lesser ones. In this way, it contradicts spiritual explanations of the universe. Materialism denies both the reality of God and the existence of the soul. In the Sanskrit language, ''asti'' means “to exist” and ''nasti'' means “does not exist.” In common parlance, ''astika'' means one who believes in the reality of God and ''nastika'' means one who believes that God does not exist. But in philosophical parlance, ''astika'' and ''nastika'' have different meanings. A staunch ''astika'' is one who believes in the reality of God, soul, rebirth and the Vedas, and one who rejects them outright is called a ''nastika.'' Carvaka is the only school of thought that can be labelled as outright nastika by this yardstick. The Buddhists and Jainas do not fit into this category because the Buddhists believe in ''parloka'' and the Jainas believe in ''atman'', even if both reject the authority of the Vedas. Thus, Carvaka is the only school of thought within Indian Philosophy that can be labelled a nastika sampradaya. The Carvaka School looks to be very influential and thought-provoking, paving the way for many ideological wrongs to be corrected because it always talked about things that appealed to the ordinary masses. This could be why the Carvakas were dubbed Lokayatas. Because the principles of this school were practical and compelling, they were extremely popular among the general public.

==== '''Genesis and Development of Indian Materialism''' ====
The school of Materialism in India seems very old. References are found to it in the epics and in the early Buddhistic literature. ‘Several vestiges show that even in the pre-Buddhistic India proclaimers of purely materialistic doctrines appeared’ (Garbe, 1897)4. It must have arisen as a protest against the excessive monkdom of the Brahmana priests. The externals of ritualism, which ignored the substance and highlighted the shadow, the idealism of the Upanisads that was inappropriate for the common people, the political and social upheavals that were common at the time, the exploitation of the masses by the petty rulers, monks, and the wealthy class, the lust and greed and small-scale conflicts in an unstable society, and these factors all contributed to the rise of materialism in India in the post-Upanisadic and pre Buddhitsic age. There are four distinct steps in the evolution of Indian materialism (Shastri, 1930, p.1)12. It started out as merely an oppositional attitude that questioned all forms of knowledge, both direct and indirect, and disregarded the legitimacy of the Vedas. Its name at the time was Barhaspatya. In its second stage, Svabhavavada, which acknowledged perception as a source of knowledge and incorporated the belief that the body and the self are one and the same, was added. It is indisputable that, during that remote period of Indian history, it was the only philosophical system deserving of the term, regardless of how low it may have fallen in the hierarchy of philosophical systems. In that period flourished famous materialists like AjitaKesakamblin, Kambalasvatara and Purana Kasyapa. In that stage it came to be known as hedonism, which was due, perhaps, to the corruption of freedom - social, religious and political- which formed the most essential feature of this school. As a consequence of this impact of corruption and misunderstanding Carvakism originated. In that stage, the school preached “ Eat, drink and be merry” for tomorrow we may die. The response to this extreme licentiousness was detrimental to the school's very existence. From that point on, this extremely materialistic school began to move towards spiritualism and eventually began to recognise and embrace, albeit in a limited way, both probability and inference as sources of genuine knowledge. In the fourth stage, it came to be one with the Buddhists and the Jainas in opposing the Vedantists and got the common designation ''nastika'' (Shartri, 1930, 2)12.

===== '''Etymology of Carvaka''' =====
The Brihaspati Sutra and other pieces of Carvaka's main literature are lost or missing. Its theories and growth have been drawn from ancient secondary literature, including the shastras (such as the Arthashastra), sutras, and Hindu epics (the Mahabharata and Ramayana), as well as conversations by Gautama Buddha and Jain literature. The traditional founder of this school is thought to have been the heretical teacherBrhaspati. Sadly, his Sutra has been lost, despite the fact that we have no reason to dispute it. This Brhaspati is sometimes compared to the gods' teacher who taught the Asuras materialism in order to ruin them. Carvaka, after whose name this school is so called, is said to be the chief disciple of Brhaspati. According to another view, Carvaka is the name of the founder of this school(Shastri, 1930, p. 28)12. ‘Carvaka’ is the word that generally stands for ‘materialist’. But the original meaning of this word is shrouded in mystery. According to one view, ‘Carvaka’ was originally the name of a sage who propounded materialism. The common name ‘Carvaka’ is derived from this proper name and means the follower of that sage, i.e., a materialist. According to another view, ‘Carvaka’ was even originally a common descriptive name given to a materialist, either because he preaches the doctrine of ‘eat, drink and be merry’ (carv- eat, chew), or because his words are pleasant and nice (caru-nice, vak-word) (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 64)2. Another synonym of Carvaka is Lokayata which means a commoner and therefore, by implication, a man of low and unrefined taste. Nastika-Shiromani or an ‘arch-heretic’ is another name for a materialist. In Ramayana, they are called ‘fools who think themselves to be wise and who are experts in leading people to doom and ruin’ (Sharma, 1962, 29)11. References to them are also found in Mahabharata and Manusamhita. Ajitakeshakambalin is mentioned in the MajjhimaNikaya as a materialist who only trusted in perception and the four elements. He was likely given this name since he must have carried a blanket of hair with him. He is also referred to as Kambalashvatara by Shantaraksita (the man with a blanket and a mule). But whoever the founder of Indian materialism, ‘Carvaka’ has become synonymous with ‘materialist’. A much later work by Jayarashi Bhatta called Tattvopaplavasimha, which was published by the Oriental Institute of Baroda in 1940, is the only original work from this school that has survived. Consequently, it is exceedingly challenging to have a true understanding of it. The writings of other schools serve as our main information sources. However, this is just done to challenge materialism. So we discover that the principles of materialism are frequently misinterpreted. The negative aspects of this school are highlighted, while its positive aspects are left out. So, instead of a whole picture, we just receive a thin caricature. A synopsis of this school is provided by the Sarva-Darshana-Sangraha, however, it also appears to be based on similar narratives.

====== '''Epistemology''' ======
It is legitimate to say that the entire philosophy of Carvakas is based on their notion of knowledge or epistemology. Knowledge of reality or valid cognition is called ‘prama’ and the source of such knowledge is called ‘pramana’. The Carvakas maintain that perception is the only pramana or reliable source of knowledge. What is arrived at by direct perception is the truth. That alone exists. What is not perceivable is non-existent, for the simple reason that it is not perceived (Radhakrishnan, 1927, 279)9. They assert that the only correct knowledge is that we can perceive through our senses. To authenticate their stance, they criticise the potentiality of other sources of knowledge like inference and testimony which are accounted as valid pramanas by many other philosophical schools of thought. The Carvaka is the only school of traditional thought that solely recognised and acknowledged ''pratyaksha'' (perception) as a legitimate form of knowledge. The idea is derived mainly from Madhava's treatment of the Lokayata-epistemology in the ''Sarvadarshansangraha.'' That which is not perceived is non-existent according to this school of thought.

====== '''Denial of Inference''' ======
This leads the Carvakas to deny and refute the validity of other sources of knowledge like inference. The Carvakas proceed to deny the legitimacy of inference in a systematic and destructive manner. Inference is the process by which we claim one proposition to be true or false on the basis of other propositions. The Carvakas argue that if inference is to be considered a pramana, it must produce knowledge that is accurate to reality and about the veracity of which we have no doubt. However, inference is unable to satisfy these requirements because for instance, when we infer the existence of fire in a mountain from the perception of smoke in it, we take a leap in the dark, from the perceived smoke to the unperceived fire (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 65-66)2. A universal relationship (vyapti) between the major terms and the middle term (Linga) is required for inference (sadhya). But this is an excessive assumption or vyapti. No source of valid knowledge can guarantee it. Thus, for example, the inference of fire (sadhya) from smoke (linga) can be valid only when it is established that all cases of smoke are cases of fire (vyapti). But there is no source of valid knowledge that can justify this universal relation. Perception cannot do it because it is limited to particulars. (Chattopadhyaya, 1959, 22-23)3.

An invariable concomitance between smoke and fire can only be established if we have the knowledge of all the cases of smoke and fire, which is impossible as we cannot perceive all the cases of smoke and fire existing presently in different parts of the world, to speak nothing of those which existed in the past or will exist in the future. Therefore, perception cannot establish an immutable connection. A general proposition may be true in perceiving cases, but there is no guarantee that it will hold true even in unperceived cases.

There are two patterns of inference which in modern terminology may be referred to as “deductive” and “inductive” inference. From an epistemological point of view, The Carvakas reject not only the distinction between deductive and inductive inference but also inference itself as an invalid and unreliable source of knowledge (Pulingandla, 1975, 28-29)8. The Carvakas say that deductive patterns like-

‘All men are mortal. Socrates is a man. Therefore Socrates is mortal’, cannot be accepted because we cannot say that Socrates is mortal unless we are certain that the statements "All men are mortal" and "Socrates is a man" are true.

The principle of petitio principii vitiates deductive inference.Being that the conclusion is already implied by the major premise, the veracity of which is not already established, it is merely a circular argument.

Let's now look at the inductive pattern of reasoning to determine the validity of the generalisation that "All men are mortal."

A universal proposition is supported by specific propositions in induction. That is, we get to the conclusion that all men are mortal by observing that certain men, like x, y, and z, are mortal. Carvakas, though, believes that this is a plunge into the unknown. All that we are permitted to know is that, up to this point, all men have been mortal, hence this universal premise is unwarranted.

Deductive inference’s main premises are upheld by inductive inference, which sets out to demonstrate their truth. But because it moves unwarrantedly from the known to the unknown, induction too becomes uncertain and unsure.

This reasoning of Carvakas is faced with an inevitable question - What explains the uniformities that experienced objects possess if Carvakas deny the existence of a fixed universal law underlying the phenomenon of the world? ‘Why is fire always experienced to be hot and water to be cool?’

The Carvakas reply is that it is due to the inherent nature (svabhava) of things that they possess particular characteristics. There is no guarantee that the uniformity perceived in the past would continue in the future (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 67-68)2.

Every system of Indian philosophy that has maintained the validity of at least perception and inference has harshly attacked the crude Carvaka stance. Rejecting the validity of inference from an empirical perspective is equivalent to rejecting thought and discussion. All thoughts, all discussions, all doctrines, all affirmations and denials, all proofs and disproofs are made possible by inference. The Carvaka view that perception is valid and inference is invalid is itself a result of inference. The Carvaka can understand others only through inference and make others understand him only through inference. Thoughts and ideas, not being material objects, cannot be perceived; they can only be inferred. It is frequently discovered that perception itself, which the Carvaka holds to be genuine, is false. Although it is almost round, the world appears to be flat to us. The earth is moving around the sun even though we think of it as being static. The sun's disc may appear little to us, yet it is much larger than the size of the earth. Such perceptions are in conflict with inference (Sharma, 1962, 31-32)11.

Due to the dearth of original literature on Carvaka's philosophy, a question which is justifiably encountered is whether the commentators of the base texts, which were mostly his opponents, were able to sufficiently reflect the intention of the author. Therefore it is imperative to reconstruct and reiterate the Carvaka philosophy at the very fundamental level of its assumptions of epistemology and construction of knowledge. Did Carvakas really hold the view that perception is the only source of valid knowledge and nothing else?

In the ''Tattvasangrahapanjika, Kamalsila'' quotes Purandara’s statement- “The Carvakas too admit of such an inference as is well known in the world, but that which is called inference ( by some ), transgressing the worldly way, is prohibited by them.” This is called the ''lokaprasiddhaanumana,'' an inference which is acceptable within the framework of our mundane life, however, one proposed to extend its application beyond the range of this-worldly objects shall be discarded outrightly.

Jayantabhatta, in his ''Nyayamanjari'' distinguished between two types of inferential cognition: (1) “some in case of which the inferential cognition can be acquired by oneself” (''utpanna-pratiti)'' and (2) “some in case of which the inferential cognition is to be acquired on somebody else’s advice” (''utpadya-pratiti). Utpanna-pratiti'' refers to something experienced in the past, and ''utpadya-pratiti'' means that which is yet to be experienced. He, therefore, suggested that the first kind is valid, but the second is not. The inference of the fire from the smoke belongs to the first category. The inference of transcendent entities like God belongs to the latter. As a result, the first type of anumana is recognised as pramana, whereas the second is not. This viewpoint, according to Jayantabhatta, is held by the Carvakas who are "better educated" (susikshitara). Summarily, it can be concluded that the Carvaka position on ''anumana'' can be presented - empirically testable ''anumana''is ''pramana''in the instrumental sense of the term, but ''anumana''which is not so testable is not ''pramana''even in the instrumental sense ( as seen in the case of ''utpadya-pratiti)'' (Gokhale, 1993, 676-678)5''.''

Hence it cannot be conclusively established that the Carvakas rejected ''anumana'' (inference) in all entirety as seen in the above examples. Manibhadra, in his commentary on ''Sat Darshan Samuccaya,'' gave some extremely striking reasons for the Carvaka or Lokayata emphasis on the primacy of sense-perception. The causes are socio-political and seem eerily contemporary. There are crafty con artists who dress in religious attire. They're trying to instil false beliefs in people's heads about achieving paradise and being able to distinguish between the good and the wicked etc. and are trying to establish their claims on the basis of futile references to such sources of valid knowledge as inferences, scriptures, etc. The Lokayata insistence on the primacy of sense-perception was meant to be a defence against such deception and exploitation. If the unperceived too, as Manibhadra explains, were given the status of existence then the poor could as well delude themselves with the idea of possessing a heap of gold and such they would trample over their sense of poverty with a kind of indifference; the slave, too, would delude himself with the idea that he had become the master (Chattopadhyaya, 1959, p. 29-30)3. As a result, just as orthodox religious defenders felt it necessary to reject reason in favour of faith, the Lokayatikas and Carvakas felt it necessary to refute the false assertions of the deceivers in order to defend the general populace.

====== '''Metaphysics''' ======
Metaphysics is the theory of reality. Since perception is the only valid form of knowledge, Matter becomes the only reality. It alone is cognisable by senses. What is material is real. God, soul, heaven, life before birth or after death, and any unperceived law cannot be believed in, because they are all beyond perception. The only things whose existence can be acknowledged and whose actuality can be insisted upon are material items. Thus, the Carvakas arrive to support the thesis of materialism, which holds that nothing exists outside of matter.

====== '''The World is Made of Four Elements''' ======
Common Hindu thought recognizes five elements which compose the material world - earth, water, fire, air and akasa. While the first four of these are matters of ordinary sense experience, the last is the result of inference. The Carvaka, because he admits only the immediate evidence of the senses, denies the last (Hiriyanna, 1993, 191)7. The four perceptible elements are thus believed to make up the material world. All things, including the mind, are a result of a particular arrangement of these four elements. Although the components are eternal, their combinations can be created and destroyed. It is believed that consciousness is merely a byproduct of matter. It is created when the components come together in a specific ratio. It is found always associated with the body and vanishes when the body disintegrates. The universe is accepted as uncreated, composed of matter but of which all that exists is produced.

'''Self or Soul in the Carvaka View'''

According to Cārvākas, when the four forms of matter, namely, earth, water, fire and air combine in a peculiar way, there result in what we call a body. Life, breath (prāna) and consciousness are present only in such a body. The particular combination of elements which make life and consciousness possible is called the self, according to Carvakas, beyond which there is no immaterial self or soul. The origin of consciousness or intelligence comes from the combination of elements as liquor’s inebriating power comes from the mixture of ingredients (Heera, 2011, p. 70-71)6. “That intelligence which is found to be embodied in modified forms of non-intelligent elements is produced in the same way in which red colour is produced from the combination of betel, areca nut and lime.” (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882)

Consciousness is the result of emergent and dialectical evolution. It is an epiphenomenon, a by-product of matter. Given the four elements and their particular combination, consciousness manifests itself in the living body. ‘Matter secretes mind as the liver secretes bile.’ (Sharma, 1962, 32)11 The so-called soul is simply the conscious living body (Caitanya-visista-dehaevaatma). The soul is, therefore, the body, endued with consciousness. There is no proof of the existence of the soul apart from the body..

In the Sarva Darshan Sangraha, it has been quoted -

''In this school, there are four elements, earth, water, fire and air;''

''And from these four elements alone is intelligence produced,''

''Just like the intoxicating power from the quinoa, etc, mixed together;''

''Since in “I am fat,” “I am lean,” these attributes abide in the same subject,''

''And since fatness, etc, reside only in the body, it alone is the soul and no other,''

''And such phrases as “my body” are only significant metaphorically.''

The arguments advanced by Carvakas against the permanence of the soul and its transmigration from one body to another can be summarized as follows -

# Why does a person not recall things that happened in his past existence if the soul changes bodies in a cycle of births and deaths?
# Why does the soul never return in a way that can be seen if it is reborn into another body? If he who departs from the body goes to another world, how is it that he comes not back again, restless for the love of his kindred?
# According to the Carvakas, it is foolish to believe in reincarnation as evidenced by the so-called believers' own lack of genuine belief. If the beast slain in the Jyotisama rite will itself go to heaven, why then does not the sacrificer forthwith offer his own father? (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, 10)
# No one has ever seen the transfer of consciousness from one body to another.

Naturally, the denial of the atman, which plays a significant role in the other Indian systems, sparked the fiercest debate; theoretically, there is no disputing Carvaka's viewpoint. The existence of the soul or atman in the conventional sense cannot be proven. In fact, some orthodox philosophers are aware of this, which is why they emphasise the validity of the opposing view—that the body and the soul are not separate—in their arguments against the Carvaka theory. If consciousness is an essential property of the human body, it should be inseparable from it as Carvaka claims. But it is not. In swoons, fits, epilepsy, dreamless sleep etc. the living body is seen without consciousness. Conversely, in dreams, consciousness can be seen without a living body. An awakened dreamer disowns the dream body but retains ownership of the dream consciousness. Even though dream consciousness is not directly challenged in waking life, the dream objects are sublated there. When a person wakes up from a dream in which they saw a tiger, they understand that the tiger was simply a dream, but the fact that they saw a tiger in their dream continues to be true. This demonstrates that awareness transcends the material body, which is merely its instrument and not its cause and endures through the three stages of waking life, dream life, and profound sleep life (Sharma, 1962, 33). Once more, the fact that consciousness cannot be felt outside of a physical body does not indicate that it is merely a byproduct of matter. For instance, the eye cannot see in the dark. Light is necessary for sight, yet it cannot be said to be the cause of sight. A simple coexistence is not a cause. The two bull horns, which are always found together, cannot be taken to mean anything. The body should not be viewed as the cause of awareness because it is merely a tool for its manifestation.

'''Denial of the Existence of God'''

The doctrine unavoidably rejects any and all belief in a supernatural or transcendental being, along with any and all belief in the particular subjects of religion and philosophy.As was already mentioned, the system only accepts that which is verified by perception, or pratyaksha, hence there is no room for anything transcendental. God, whose existence cannot be perceived, fares no better than the soul. The world is created by the elements of matter, negating the need for a creator. Carvakas are faced with the counter that just like the production of an earthen pot, in addition to clay which is its material cause, requires a potter who shapes the material into the desired form, similarly, an efficient cause like God is indispensable for shaping and designing the material elements into this beautiful world. In reply, the Carvakas state that the material elements themselves have got each its static nature (svabhava). By nature and the laws inherent in them, they combine to form this world. There is thus no necessity for God. There is no evidence that the world's objects are the outcome of any design. They can be logically explained as the accidental byproducts of the elements. The Carvakas, therefore, prefer atheism.The only supreme is the earthly monarch whose existence is proved by all the world’s eyesight, and the only liberation is the dissolution of the body (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, 4). In the same breath, Carvakas deny the existence of souls, virtue (dharma) and vice (adharma), merit (punya) and demerit (papa), actions (karma) and their fruits (phala). They reject liberation, heaven, hell, future life, transmigration, the Law of Karma, and pre-existence. They do not exist because they are not perceived. There are no obligations related to castes and life stages (varnashrama dharma), which could result in rewards like happiness and unhappiness. The material world is perceived, and therefore existent. The variety in the world is natural (Sinha, 1956)13.

'''Ethics'''

Ethics is the science of morality which tends to contemplate questions and problems such as: What is the highest goal or ''Summum bonum'' man can achieve? What is the standard of moral judgement?

As explained by Madhava in his ''Sarvadarshansamgraha''-

“The only end of man is enjoyment produced by sensual pleasure. Nor may you say that such cannot be called the end of man as they are always mixed with some kind of pain, because it is our wisdom to enjoy the pure pleasure as far as we can, and to avoid the pain which inevitably accompanies it; just as the man who desires fish takes the fish with their scales and bones, and having taken as many as he wants, desists; or just as the man who desires, rice takes the rice, straw and all, and having taken as much as he wants, desists. If anyone so timid as to forsake a visible pleasure, he would indeed be foolish like a beast, as has been said by the poet-

The pleasure which arises to men from contact with sensible objects,

Is it to be relinquished as accompanied by pain, such is the reasoning of fools;

The berries of paddy, rich with the finest white grains

What man, seeking his true interest, would fling away because covered with husk and dust?” (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, p. 4)

And thus is the well-known verse attributed to the Lokayatas -

''jāvajjīvetsukhaṃjīvedṛṇaṃkṛtvāghṛtaṃpibet |''

''bhasmībhūtasyadehasyapunarāgamanaṃkutaḥ. |''

''While life remains, let a man live happily''

''Let him feed on ghee, even though he runs on debt.''

Some Indian philosophers, such as the Mimamsakas, hold that paradise, a state of unadulterated happiness that can be obtained after fulfilling the Vedic rites, is the highest aim of human life. Because it is predicated on the unproven existence of a life beyond death, Carvakas rejects it. The priests' creations of "heaven" and "hell" were motivated by their desire to coerce, intimidate, and force people into performing rituals. Men of wisdom will never fall for such tricks.

'''Final Liberation'''

Liberation is seen by many thinkers as the ultimate aim of human existence. Again, liberation is seen as the complete eradication of all suffering. Some believe it can only be gained after death when the soul is liberated from the body; others think it can be attained while one is still alive. However, the Carvaka system contends that these opinions are illogical and unreasonable. Because there is no such thing as a soul, it is ridiculous to say that liberation is the soul's release from its shackles to physical life. But if achieving a state free from all sorrow in this particular life is what emancipation entails, then that is likewise an unachievable ideal. Both pleasure and pain are a part of existence in this body. Liberation in the sense of complete cessation of suffering can only mean death (Chatterjee & Datta, 1948, 74)3.

'''Summum Bonum'''

The Carvaka believes that sensuous pleasure is the ultimate good in ethics. Eat, drink, and enjoy yourself since there is no chance of returning once the body has been converted to ashes. No other world exists. No soul can live on after death. Religion is the means of livelihood of the priests. All values are essentially false illusions created by a sick mind. The Carvaka Ethics is a rudimentary form of individual hedonism; the individual's enjoyment of their pleasures in this life is their only goal (Sharma, 1962, 34)11. Of the four ends of human life (purusarthas) namely ''artha, kama, dharma and moksha'', the materialist recognises and commends the first two and regards the last two as illusory and hence unworthy of man’s attention (Pulingandla, 1975, 34-35)8. Pleasure is regarded as mixed up with pain, but that is no reason why it should not be acquired. ‘Nobody casts away the grain because of the husk? Should nobody cook because of beggars? Should nobody sow seeds because of animals? (Hiriyanna, 1993)7 Carvaka ethics is considered totally hedonistic because it openly encourages the fulfilment of desires and the pursuit of pleasure as the only values to be pursued in life. If we recall that our existence is limited to our body's existence and so to this life, we must see the joys that arise in the body as the only nice things we may attain. So, the purpose of human life is to experience as much pleasure as possible while minimising suffering. A life of maximum enjoyment is a good existence. Vedic ethics had advocated four ''purusarthas''or the ends of life for the integrated development of the individual as well as the society. At the time Carvaka came into existence, many heretic and revolutionary schools of philosophy led by such figures as Asuri Pippalda, Purana Kasyapaa, KakudaKatyayana and AjitaKesakambalin were flourishing, and all of them opposed the traditional Vedic philosophy in one way or the other. But Carvaka was the first and only system in India to advocate hedonistic ethics (Heera, 2011, 76-84)6.

'''Rejection of the Authority of Vedas'''

According to the Carvakas the Vedas are tainted by the three faults of untruth, self-contradictions and tautology (needless repetition of an idea, statement, or word), then again the imposters who call themselves Vedic pandits are mutually destructive, as the authority of the jnana-kanda is overthrown by those who maintain that of karma-kanda, while those who maintain the authority of the jnana-kanda reject that of the karma-kanda; and lastly, the three Vedas are themselves are only the incoherent rhapsodies of knaves, and to this effect runs the popular saying-

“The Agnihotra, the three Vedas, the ascetics’ three staves, and smearing oneself with ashes” (''Review of the Different Systems of Hindu Philosophy'', 1882, 9).

Having rejected the authority of the Vedas and texts, the concepts of virtue and vice, and belief in life after death, the Carvakas are naturally hostile to religious ceremonies performed with the goal of achieving paradise, avoiding hell, or propitiating departed spirits. If the priests truly believe, as they claim, that animals sacrificed are guaranteed to enter paradise, why don't they sacrifice their elderly parents instead of animals, ensuring their place in heaven?

That the Lokayatikas were opposed to the Brahmanical rituals does not necessarily mean that they were opposed to rituals as such; the conflict could have been because they wanted to stick to their own rituals and these rituals were rooted in a set of beliefs with which orthodox Vedic authority was in direct conflict. At the same time, Loakayata were essentially materialistic in the sense of acknowledging the reality of nothing but the material human body and the material universe around us. If therefore, the Lokayatikas or Carvakas had at all practised any rituals, such rituals could have little to do with otherworldliness (Chattopadhyaya, 1959, 36-37)3.

'''Social Outlook of Carvaka and Relevance in Contemporary Times'''

The ideological movement of Carvaka was probably a reaction against the beliefs, superstitions, rites and rituals of the Vedic age. The Carvakas were free thinkers. They set to demolish the foundation of orthodox Indian philosophy. The Carvakas are champions of rational empiricism because for them ''pratyaksha''is the only ''pramana'' and God is non-existent for them. It is the only system in traditional Indian philosophy which does not believe in anything which is beyond the catchment area of perception. Attempts have been made to reconstruct the epistemology of the Carvaka/Lokayata system by assiduously collecting the fragments of the ''sutra'' works and its several commentaries as found quoted and paraphrased by its opponents. But no serious effort has so far been undertaken to reconstruct its social outlook. It appears from the work of Krishnamisra and Sriharsha, two Vedantin-philosopher poets, that the Carvakas were opposed to caste and gender discrimination. In Krishnamisra (eleventh century) allegorical play, ''Prabodhcandrodaya'' (Rise of Moon-like Intellect), Mahmoha (Great Delusion), an avowed materialist, declares -

‘If the bodies are alike in their different parts, the mouth, etc., how can there be a hierarchy of castes?’

A heretic in Sriharsa’s (twelfth century) ''Naisadhacarta'' (Life of Naisadha) throws a challenge to the forces of status quo ante:

‘Since the purity of caste is possible only in the case of purity on each side of both families of the grandparents, what caste is pure by the purity of limitless generations?

Fie on those who boast of family dignity! They hold women in check out of jealousy; but do not likewise restrain men, though the blindness of passion is common to both!

Spurn all censorious statements about women as not worth a straw. Why dost thou constantly cheat people when thou, too, art as bad as women?'

Both authors intended to depict the Carvakas as heretics and non-believers. Defiance of the caste system was considered a heretical idea and hence fit for censure (Bhattacharya, 2-4)1. Apparently, the Carvakas gave no credence to the Vedic idea that the Brahmins, Rajanyas (warriors), Vaisyas (traders and agriculturists), and Sudras (manual workers) were different parts of the supreme being called the ''purusa,'' which was a convenient way of explaining why the hierarchy of castes was bound to be accepted and observed in social life.Manu, the foremost lawgiver, received no consideration from the Carvakas. They did not regard Manu's or the Vedas' words as legitimate sources of knowledge. So, it is quite likely that the Carvakas did not adhere to caste norms in daily life and did not believe in the purported divine origin of castes. A verse attributed to the Carvakas runs as follows:

There is no heaven, no final liberation, nor any soul in

Another world.

''Nor do the actions of the four castes, orders,etc.''

''Produce any real effect.''

The Carvakas did not admit word (sabda), that is, verbal testimony as a valid instrument of cognition (pramana), and so were not bound to accept what the Brahminical law books declared as something sacrosanct. Last but not least, it is clear that Lokayatikas fought for the development of social and political institutions free from religious dogma. The Carvakas had an ideal society in mind—one without organised religion, caste prejudice, or gender inequality which flows from their unprecedented ability of free thinking and opposing the Shastras prescribing rituals, social practices and customs. They took a completely reasonable attitude and criticised such renunciations as obstacles to establishing a society with equality of rights and opportunity. Their social philosophy was basically democratic in this regard.

'''The Decline of Carvakas '''

Most of the stalwart scholars of different schools of classical Indian philosophy have been contemptuous towards the Carvakas. This was a major reason for their downfall. This is evident from the fact that there are no extant original writings of the Carvaka school (with perhaps the exception of a much later work, Jayarasi Bhatta’s ''Tattvopaplavasimha''), our knowledge of the doctrines of Indian materialism is based on the other schools, which seem to be more interested in discrediting and lampooning materialism than in presenting an objective account of its tenet. Therefore it's no surprise, then, that materialism could never occupy a prominent and predominant position in the Indian philosophical paradigm. Many scholars believe that the outright rejection of the authority of the Vedas and the denouncement of the brahmana priests were fundamentally instrumental in the downfall of the Carvakas. But it cannot be considered as the sole cause since the Jainas and the Buddhists also have been equally contemptuous and opprobrious towards them. Rejection of God also is not much responsible for their downfall, because the Jainas, the Buddhists, the Samkhyas and the Mimamsakas too do not believe in the existence of God. The denial of the soul is shared along with materialism by some schools of Buddhism also. The theoretical reduction of the mind to the matter also cannot be regarded as the main cause to merit universal contempt that has fallen to the lot of the Carvakas. Individual hedonism also has an appeal to the animal in man and pleasure, in fact, is desired by all. The main cause, therefore, should be sought in Carvaka’s denial of all human values which make life worth living. Life without values is animal life, not human life. Sensual pleasure is a very faint shadow of supreme pleasure. There is a qualitative difference in pleasure. The pleasure of the pig is certainly not the same as the pleasure of the philosopher.1 The idea of atheism and rejection of God also could not flourish significantly in an essentially spiritual nation like Bharat where God, religious customs, rituals, traditions, and festivals are so indispensably etched into the lives of people. Carvakas, despite their rational empiricism and worldly outlook, failed to satisfy the spiritual thirst of the populace. In this respect, Buddhism and Jainism prospered more because of the spirituality and piousness inherent to them. The universalising tendency of the Carvaka exposition of atheism and materialism also suffered from a serious hazard. Carvakas opposed the authority of Vedas and other religious texts but themselves transformed into an authoritative school which was based on the singularity of truth and rejected all other divergent ideas to be false (for ex- perception is the sole source of valid cognition). Thus, the advocacy of their own tenets transforms into a totalising imposition on the populace which is eventually rejected. The Bhakti movement arose as a response to the anomalies of the rigidity of the caste system, irrelevant rituals and religious practices, blind faiths and social dogmas and tended to present a liberal form of religion where devotees could identify themselves with simple religious practices. Although popular dissatisfaction against the existing social and religious evils was a major catalyst behind the spread of the Bhakti movement all over India for a long period of time, it did not discard belief and sadhana as two essential instruments for human liberation. Finally, it seems that Carvakas could not create a substantial culture around their philosophy which could sustain their ideas through practices, customs, art - architecture, literature and aesthetics. The failure of this aspect when the materialistic philosophy of Carvakas could not be institutionalised or materialized led to its gradual erosion from the minds of the masses.

'''References'''

1. Bhattacharya, R. (2022). “Charvaka (Carvaka).”Handbook of Logical Thought in India.

2. Chatterjee, S., & Datta, D. (1948). ''An Introduction to Indian Philosophy'' (Third ed.). Calcutta University Press.

3. Chattopadhyaya, D. (1959). ''Lokayata - A Study in Ancient Indian Materialism''. People's Publishing House.https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

4. Garbe, R. (1897). ''The Philosophy of Ancient India''. The Open Court Publishing Company.

5. Gokhale, P. P. (1993, October). The Carvaka Theory of Pramanas: A Restatement. ''Philosophy East and West'', ''43'', 675-682. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

6. Heera, B. (2011). ''Uniqueness of Carvaka Philosophy in Traditional Indian Thought''. Decent Books.

7. Hiriyanna, M. (1993). ''Outlines of Indian Philosophy''. Motilal Banarasidass Publishers.

8. Pulingandla, R. (1975). ''Fundamentals of Indian Philosophy''. Abingdon Press. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

9. Radhakrishnan, S. (1927). ''Indian Philosophy'' (Second ed., Vol. 1). George Allen & Unwin Ltd.

10. ''Sarva Darshan Samgraha'' (E.B. Cowell & A.E. Gough, Trans.). Trubner& Co. Ludgate. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

11. Sharma, C. (1962). ''Indian Philosophy''. Barnes & Noble, Inc. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

12. Shastri, D. (1930). ''A Short History of Indian Materialism, Sensationalism and Hedonism'' (Second ed.). Bookland Private Limited.

13. Sinha, J. (1956). ''History of Indian Philosophy'' (Vol. One). Sinha Publishing House. https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.5874/page/n5/mode/2up

The Idea of Good Governance in Ancient India with Special Reference to the Mahabharata and Thirukkural

2023-10-14T08:55:04Z

Anishg: references

Authored by Amritha V.

Going by the definition of UNDP, governance in the modern conception “comprises of mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their legal obligations and mediate their differences.”

For ages, good governance has been the ideal vision for political scientists, theorists, policymakers, decision-makers and academicians. The goodness of the citizens backed by the goodness of the government has been the prima concern for any society. This demands efficiency, effectiveness, ethical, economic and equitable governance at the systems and sub-systems of the government. Just, fair and citizen-caring governance endowed by accountable and responsible government characterises a good government. Since the inception of government, good governance has been the mainstay of the evaluation of its functioning. Further, I have conceptualised the Indic models of good governance in the backdrop of the super-imposition of Western models in academic discourses. Nonetheless, Euro-centrism is not a new phenomenon. It has been swaying the scholarly works on polity and society over the past few decades. This humble attempt is driven by a motive to trace the roots of the so-called 'Western' notions in our age-old scriptures.

The unprecedented crises that we witness each day, conflicts and clashes between countries, super powers being suspicious of each other and recent reports of UNHRC on governance calls for greater responsiveness as these problems are deep-rooted and threatening our sustenance. It is at this juncture that Mahabharata and Thirukkural come to our rescue. It also becomes pertinent for us to inculcate the principles of Dharma and other virtues conveyed in the scriptures in state governance, corporate governance, educational curriculum and other spheres to revive the age-old values the Indian subcontinent is instilled in.

'''Idea of Good Governance in the Mahabharata''' '''(with special reference to Shantiparva)'''

In the ravaging war of Kurukshetra between the Pandavas and the Kauravas, after which the former gained a massive victory, Yudhishtira, the eldest among the Pandavas and the one to ascend the throne, approached Bhishma to expound the Rajadharma to him. Bhishma, who had mastered the art and science of Rajadharma, dilated it to Yudhishtira and this was incorporated in the Shanti Parva of Mahabharata. Thence, Shantiparva stands as an authoritative exposition on the origin and intent of the state, rule of law, the institution of kingship-powers and duties of the king.

The book of Shantiparva comprises 365 chapters and 13,716 verses and has three sub-parvas. They are Rajadharmanushasana Parva, Apaddharmanushasana Parva and Mokshadharma Parva. Rajadharmanushasana Parva has 130 chapters and describes the origin of state, kingship and governance. Apaddharmanushasana Parva from chapters 131 to 173 comprises 1649 verses and describes the rule of conduct at times of adversity. Mokshadharma Parva from chapters 174 to 365, with 7351 verses describes the attainment of liberation and self-realisation.

The importance attributed by Mahabharata to the origin of state and kingship is astounding. It states, “A man should first choose his king, then his wife, and only then amass wealth; for without a king in the world where would wife and property be?”

In the state of nature, under anarchy and increasing delusional tendencies among people called for the necessity to uphold dharma, protect family, property and varnashrama dharma by the king. It’s said that the very essence of kingship lies in the realisation of the king that there is nothing higher than dharma and that the well-being of the king and subjects lies in his ability to abide by it.

Bhishma accords huge importance to the coronation of the king as the prime duty of a kingdom; which otherwise would pave way for anarchy and attack by robbers. Further, he adds that the king is the incarnation of Indra on earth; thereby giving divine origin to the idea of kingship. A king is described to be the heart of people, their refuge, greatest glory and happiness. He is the delighter of people, conferrer of happiness, bestower of prosperity, healer of injuries, master of earth and guardian of men.

The discussion further on, revolves around the expositions in Shanti Parva on good governance. It comprises education of the king, his conduct; Rajadharma, accountability in administration, transparency, responsiveness, rule of law, effectiveness and efficiency and desirability of a strategic vision.

Unlike in present times, the education of the king was of paramount importance. The Adi and Anushasana Parvas of Mahabharata state that the king has to get an education in the disciplines of Nitisastra, Itihasa, Purana, Veda and Vedanga, Yuktisara (logic), Philology and Sabdasastra (grammar), music, allied arts and military sciences. He must study the scriptures and also live in the company of reputed teachers to employ his mental faculties.The text also necessitates knowledgeable counsel and advisers for the king.

The proverb ‘No Rajah; No Praja’ defines the desirability of a king. The code of conduct ascertained that means of livelihood and laws of morality are upheld in the kingdom. The vivid example of reign under Duryodhana narrates how non-adherence to the code of conduct brings a moral crisis between the people and the government. King enriched the virtues of the people. An account in the Udyoga Parva mentions that the good conduct of the king fetches him assistance from his allies and other wheels of state to remain strong.

Bhishma gives an account of 36 virtues that the king must relentlessly practise. These virtues such as performing duties without malice, earning wealth without persecution and cruelty, seeking pleasure without attachment, being pure, liberal and so on, seek to establish dharma in all facets of kingship and statecraft. Further, it’s said that the king who is crowned with all accomplishments, and good conduct, is righteous, humble and self-controlled, able to keep his passions under control and is not enquiring but countenancing; never loses prosperity. Administration of justice, keeping his conduct straightforward and abiding by the expedients of concealing his shortcomings, ascertaining the loophole of his enemies and keeping his allies and associates close would also bring him prosperity.

The king has to be Dandavid to ensure that lawlessness doesn’t prevail in the territory. His conduct must always follow a middle pathand should seek the art of loving his subjects. The king must possess discipline entailing the virtues of universal love, compassion, charity and performance of acts for the welfare of others. It was also important for him to realise the Trivarga-Dharma, Artha and Kama.

Raja dharma was pertinent to state administration and an essential element in ensuring justice, peace and prosperity for the subjects. Such a kingdom, where Rajadharma is upheld was called Dharmarajya and the ruler was titled Dharmaraj. To sum up, Rajadharma is in protecting righteousness and slaying the wicked.

The duties of the king enlisted in the Rajadharma Parva very much resonate with the idea of accountability. Safeguarding the law and order of the country was among the chief duties of the king. He also had the Dharmic duty to protect all varnas.

The king is to keep a watch on the appointed officials who could be troublesome to the people. His welfare duties amplify the commitment towards social justice and the happiness of the masses. He has to support the weaker sections of the society-the poor, aged, orphans, widows, handicapped and the sanyasis. The officers designated with the task of overlooking local administration acted as the wings of the centre, to ensure accountability.

There were innumerable ways through which transparency was brought about in the polity and statecraft. There were also certain instruments to keep the authority of the king under check. The reign of the king commenced with an oath ceremony; which he was morally bound to respect. Concerning the origin of the state in Shantiparva, Raja Prthu ascends the throne by promising to ensure happiness in the state and be mindful of his duties and responsibilities.

The religious and spiritual sanctions kept the king abreast of the injunctions in Dharmashastras he is bound to abide by. His ministers had a significant role in advising him in his functional duties and the formulation of policies. The 59th chapter of Shantiparva that states; the king is always under the other’s control (parantantra) and never independent (swantantra) captures the institution of checks and balances which existed then. The departments are to be headed by ministers who are attributed portfolios. For instance, under the reign of Yudhishtira, Sanjaya was appointed the minister of finances, Nakula to keep a check on the forces, Phalguna to resist hostile forces, and Arjuna headed the ministry of striking command.These ministers supplemented by functionaries collectively constituted the decision-making body and its implementation.

About any issues; financial matters, in particular, the king sought the advice of concerned departments. He had no right to collect taxes at his whim and nor could he use them without the consent of the respective minister. Similarly, even though the king headed the judiciary, he had no right to interfere and influence the judicial procedure. Apart from this, like in modern times, there were pressure groups and interest groups that exerted considerable influence on the policies relating to industry and taxation. The Shanti Parva and Sabha Parva make references with regard to the guilds which exercised influence over the king’s authority and kept his decisions under check.

To ensure responsiveness, the king must be well aware of the dangers pervading the kingdom and the means to remove them.The ordinary rules are to be suspended at times of emergency. The Shanti Parva describes that the king must save the people from distress and aid with his money. In an outbreak of war, if the government is met with a crisis, financial measures have to be adopted. The king should impose extra tax only after assuring the people of the crisis. The king should even go forth to forge a treat with the enemy for the sake of saving lives. The Parva also discusses how pertinent it is for the king to maintain the treasury.

Ensuring rule of law was much needed to erase anarchy or ‘Matsya Nyaya’; big fish devouring the small fish. Dandaniti is the science of chastisement. According to Bhishma, the destruction of Dandaniti would pave way for the disappearance of three Vedas and the duties of four varnas would get muddled. It is in the fear of punishment, that people do not kill each other and cause instability of Rajadharma. Non-observance of Danda plunges everything into darkness. Of all four ends of life, Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha, Dharma is regarded as human justice. Artha comprises the means that cater to worldly prosperity. Kama refers to pleasure-seeking urges in men while Moksha is the highest end of life.

Bhishma describes the four sources of law viz; Devasammat, ArshaSrota, Lok Sammat and Sanstha Sammat. The robust judicial administration ensured timely justice to the grieved; as justice delayed was believed to pave way for evils in society. It also advocates capital punishment to uphold virtuousness among individuals. The king has to be impartial while imparting justice or taking action against the violators of Dharma and has to renounce favouritism to his close associates.The examples from that of the kings Janaka of Mithila and Sagara of Ayodhya who inflicted punishments on their sons for violating Dharma are epitomes of beholders of justice and the rule of law. At the same time, it is also advocated that the judicial staff must reflect before sentencing and the punishment sentenced must always be in proportion to the crime committed. It also emphasises striking the right balance between harsh, capital punishments and otherwise. This makes sure that innocent relatives of a criminal are never punished in the name of a crime. Bhishma underscores that the king who uses danda according to his whims and fancies would ‘go to hell’.

Effectiveness and efficiency in the administration could be brought about through a counsel ingrained with values of compassion, ethics, integrity, reliability, reason, justice and knowledge. The coterie of advisers to the king who is appointed to look into the day-to-day affairs of the kingdom must be effective and efficiency-driven. The king is told to give due consideration to the advice of ‘purohits’, who are committed to bringing the king on to the right path. These Brahmanas, who were wise, humble and of noble birth, were intelligent and knew Vedas and the sacred texts. The purohits and rajpurohits catered to the overall development of the kingdom and also ensured that the government is steadfast to morality and ethics.

Shanti Parva also entails strategic vision in the functioning of the king and the council. King was to invoke totalitarian powers whenever required. However, these powers do not make the king omnipotent. Though the king is powerful, Shantiparva strikes down an oppressive king and sanctions the subjects to revolt against one who fails to discharge his duties. In places, Mahabharata allows for revolt against a king, stating that a king who fails to ensure the protection of people is no king and that he should be killed like a mad dog. Hence, in Mahabharata, we see an equilibrium of political obligation and monarchy. Even in the era of absolute monarchy, it’s astounding how political obligation has a generous concern. Contemporary theorists of political obligation, such as T.H Green and Harold Laski recognize how Mahabharata underscores the right of citizens to resist unjust laws and empowers them to remove such a ruler who acts contrary to the well-being of people.

The precepts in the Shantiparva are in lines of ‘SarvajanaSukhinoBhavantu’. Unlike now, the idea of good governance was implicit in kingship then as the king had a threefold obligation to governance; political, moral and social. This brings us to a claim that kinship in ancient India is ‘benevolent and paternalistic-bound’ because of a prolonged compilation of instructions of service that the king has to abide by.

Throughout the discourse, more apparently, the importance accorded to Dharma was profound. Mahabharata specifies ‘dharma vihina, pashubhisamana’; meaning without Dharma, a man is no different from an animal. Dharma seeps into the idiosyncratic problems of the state as an ethical and political agency. As Peter Hill notes, it is driven by the efficacy of individual action and freedom. As apparent in Mahabharata, dharma triggered the rise and fall of kingdoms as and when digressions in dharma took place.

Further, when Yudhishtira asks Bhishma about the path of a king who is abandoned by allies and left in distress with a depleted treasury and no resources to follow, Bhishma advises of ‘apaddharma’. Bhishma speaks of two complementary sides of the same coin of dharma; the one for the capable to abide by and the other for the one in distress. Protection of dharma calls for some amount of adharma and diversion from universal dharma. But then, does this cater to mischief and turn away from Matsya Nyaya? To this, Bhishma answers that even the path of adharma the king has to follow at times of distress must be for the sake of the welfare of people and the preservation of lives but not to meet selfish ends. Chapter 69 of Shantiparva rightly states that the king must first conquer himself and then his enemies. Hence, even apadharma demands the king to discard his likes and dislikes. Therefore, Rajadharma comprehensively answers all the terms and conditions and clarifies the exceptional times at which adharma has to be pursued without giving up on the dharmic base.

==== '''The Idea of Good Governance in the ''Thirukkural''''' ====
Composed by Tiruvalluvar, Tirukkural is a compilation of thousand and thirty couplets structured in 133 chapters that comprise ten couplets each. Of the three chapters-Arattuppal, Paruttappal and Kamatuppal, the former chapters describe Porul; i.e public affairs, political philosophy and political economy in detail. With over 700 couplets, the section gives us insights into politics and governance in the 4th-5th century CE. Literally meaning ‘sacred verses’, Thirukkural is referred to as ‘pearls of wisdom’. With over 1330 verses, this masterpiece in Tamil literature brilliantly carries the essence of good governance. In this didactic work, he has ostensibly written about governance and entwined it with morals, ethics and prevailing schemes of values.

Participation is a cornerstone of good governance and has a substantial role in the decision making despite the form of government. The couplet 462 in chapter 47 states that it’s impossible to not attain any objective when decisions are taken after holding due deliberations and considerations with the counsel of persons; who constitute the selected associates of the king. He further states that competency of the person should first be convinced of to the king as to ensure accomplishment of tasks assigned to him. Valluvar further adds that pursuing any decision should be done after due consideration of the expert in any field to understand the complexities and challenges in the project and move accordingly. He holds that, the institution which is receptive to criticism from the people would be highly esteemed.

Orientation to consensus has reflected in a number of couplets in Tirukkural. According to Tiruvalluvar, seeking the advice of close associates would help attain the set out objectives. He also sets out that the king must orient himself with the worldly practices as to reach a consensus. It is consensus that sustains any well thought-out decision.

Accountability is exemplified in a number of verses of Thirukkural. Valluvar says that the king, who addresses the people, dispenses justice and ensure protection to them would be considered God. Further, he adds that he must not run behind conceit or frivolous acts that he becomes unattentive to the welfare calls of people.

Emphasising on transparency, Thiruvalluvar states in one of the verses that the king must be of easy access to his subjects and must refrain from using harsh words as that blemishes his image and such a king would not be transparent to his people. That king, who is courteous, friendly and protects the interests of citizens, would be highly regarded by the people.

As to ensure responsiveness, Valluvar warns that a king will fall into ruins if he does an act that he is not supposed to do or if he fails to do something that he is ought to do. On similar lines, in another couplet, he pronounces that the king should delay deeds which could be delayed but not the ones which ought to be done. These couplets convey the pressing need for a king to run to the service of all his stakeholders whenever the time demands.

Effectiveness and efficiency is reflected throughout the chapter. In one of the couplets, Valluvar says that the vices of procrastination, carelessness, sluggishness, and sleep as the boats that would drive the king to losing his base. Unlike a sloth, a king must be attentive, vigilant and agile for efficient and effective governance in the kingdom.

Speaking of equity, Thiruvalluvar specifically mentions that a king must be capable of not only acquiring and preserving wealth but also distribute it wisely. Vallluvar’s idea of equity is however not restricted to equal distribution of wealth. He stresses the need of extolling other virtues such as sharing of food and preservation of lives of other creatures-giving a manifold view to the conventional view of equity.

As in Mahabharata, the rule of law is of great pertinence to Valluvar. A just monarch must uphold dual pillars of strict enquiry and impartial justice. Further on, he says that in the land of righteous monarch, there will be rains and crops in abundance; meaning –justice ensures well-being of one and all. Valluvar maintains philanthropy, benevolence, rule of justice and welfare of people as the hallmark of any administration. The administration of justice for him, meant unbiased and impartial exercise of judgements. He recommends the king to invoke capital punishment as and when necessary to ensure protection of the subjects and to maintain the law and order. At the same time, he should also ensure that the punishment is not excessive. His conception is similar to the thoughts conveyed in Arthashastra which opines that administration of justice must be in line with the principle of Dharma. He relates justice to rain; the way rain brings prosperity to lands, justice brings prosperity to people. If the government fails to render justice to people at the right time or to ensure redressal of their grievances, it is certain to go down the drain.

Valluvar affirms the desirability of strategic vision in a few couplets. He gives supreme importance to fortifications, a strong army and a well-knit espionage system. Any move of the king should align with certain considerations such as the strength of his plan, his resources, strength of the enemy and the ally alike. It is astounding how Thiruvalluvar, in one of his couplets stresses on the need for the king to act in conformity with the world opinion; to acknowledge the realities of the word and act wisely.

Valluvar attributes huge importance to fortifications. According to him, they catered to the security measures of a kingdom and maintenance of peace. He describes that a fort must have accessibility to water, fertile lands and must be equipped with arms and ammunitions. It should be designed in a way that it resists attacks and is inaccessible for the enemies.

An army marked with valour, fearlessness, trustworthiness, honour, chivalry and fortitude make it invincible. The soldiers must be highly efficient, well-trained and malleable to demanding circumstances. The king must attend to the demands of the army and ensure that it has a decisive and capable leadership.

Valluvar also notes down the characteristics needed in a diplomat or envoy. As he puts it, ‘a book of law and a spy are two eyes of a king’. He should be of noble birth, amiable, patriotic, knowledgeable and eloquent. An erudite and impressive personality should enable him convey messages in a concise and apprehensive way. Espionage system also acquires prominence in the framework of Valluvar’s statecraft and governance. This was imperative to gather information about the enemies and track the movements of people. He emphasises on the need for an espionage system, objectives and methods of such a system and on how to build a network of spies. He describes on the training and attributes of spies. Like Kautilya, Tiruvalluvar sets down the responsibilities and working of a spy system. According to him, an envoy must possess three qualities; he must have devotion to king, should be wise and must have good facility of speech. Since he is embarking on a great mission of representing his land, he has to be a scholar.

In addition to this, Valluvar elaborates on the qualities of a state, king and the cabinet. He describes that a king must be vigilant, righteous, cordial, diligent and zealous. He must always adhere to the principle of Dharma. Similar to Saptanga theory of Kautilya, he proposes six bases to the efficiency of a king; viz, a trustworthy army, responsible citizenry, a resourceful treasury, efficient cabinet and officials, well equipped fortress, espionage system and cordial relations with the foreign counterparts. He must be honest, polite and valorous. His prior commitments must be to produce and accumulate wealth, conserve resources, ensure equal distribution of wealth and security of people. An ideal king must be benevolent, rectitude, fortitude and concern for the welfare of the people. Not to bring up ruinous consequences, a king must consider the five aspects of resources, time, place, means and nature of execution before embarking on a war.

Tiruvalluvar states that an adept minister must be honest, devoid of sensual pleasure and free from fear of sacrificing life and lure of wealth. A minister should be considerate of time, place, means, manner and difficulties. He must be of noble birth and must be marked with courteous behaviour, steadiness in thought, speech and action and humility. Here, it’s apparent that Kautilya and Thiruvalluvar share similar thoughts regarding the qualities a king and cabinet must possess. Further, he says that the associates should not be preferred based on personal affinity to knowledge or diligence and must be capable of reading ‘unexpressed thoughts’. Management techniques and decision-making process are also discussed in detail. Valluvar says that a minister might see his mother starve but still not act hastily; referring to the commitment a minister must have towards the king. He has to avoid actions that brings in grief and loss to king.

According to Tiruvalluvar, a prosperous kingdom must have fertile and resourceful land, industrious citizenry and wealthy merchants. There should be peaceful coexistence among people and the kingdom must be free from famine, epidemics, anti-social elements and ravaging enemy.

The idea of good governance proposed by Valluvar stands out in many ways. He can be observed emphasising not only on political ideals but also on economic elements in his theory on statecraft and governance. Here is one such example. He states that the three factors of land, labour and capital are indispensable for any kingdom to flourish. This proposition is rooted on the belief that an ideal kingdom should not be vulnerable to starvation, epidemics and other threats. He also stresses on the need to incorporate freedom from hunger and disease and also from foreign invasions; which otherwise would hamper the kingdom. Along with ethics and morals, wealth also acquires prominence in Valluvar’s ideas. He opines on wasted wealth as “he who hoards wealth and does not enjoy it or utilize it to benefit others, is as good as dead, and his wealth is a waste”. According to him, among all other occupations, agriculture is the supreme; ‘lynchpin of the world and worthiest of crafts’. State in Valluvar’s conception has no place for poverty. Poverty brings in only miseries and hinders greatness of the kingdom. These pragmatic ideas convey that Valluvar’s notions on good governance are an amalgamation of political as well as economical and ethical ideals.

This work, which brought about a wave of revolution in Tamil Nadu, would be a cause for revolution in governance and other domains all over the world if these ideas are taken to word. These succinct ideas that Valluvar has ingrained continue to be relevant for all dimensions of human life.

'''Conclusion'''

It could be easy to identify components and other key takeaways of good governance from the ancient scriptures. However, discerning the problems in governance and combating them effectively as not to limit the idea of good governance in rhetorical realm. The exercise of power and functioning in a setting could be chaotic in practical and operational terms.

The governance systems all across the globe are plagued with a number of issues and challenges such as criminalization of politics, corruption, failure in decentralisation and devolution of powers, malfunctioning of bureaucracy and the civil services, partisan politics and centre-state conflicts etc are few among many.

As a treatise of statecraft, Mahabharata throws light to the fact that in spite of evolving times, political theories in the text are worth following, not only to maintain the territorial integrity of state but also to promote welfare of people. The literary masterpiece of Thirukkural on the other hand, with its unquestionable immortality and universality, contributes to the nation-building and its adherence would bring in integrity and ethics to the government.

The discoveries and products of ancient India are mostly depicted as those of Arab origin, taking away vitality of the Indian texts. Though Arabs were on a mission to re-transmit the Sanskrit texts, making it easy for the Europeans, such depictions take away the essence of the precepts. Even in the post-independence period we see a tendency of depreciating traditional knowledge systems, resulting in distortion of facts. Indian’s intellectual elite continue to cheer portrayal of pre-colonial India as superstitious, feudalistic, irrational and lacking in scientific temper. This has indeed furthered Euro-centrism and fuelled up prejudice against our traditional knowledge systems. The root cause for this disposition is our flawed education system; that has subverted the ancient ideas, knowledge systems, scientific and cultural achievements in the curricula. The stereotypes are so deeply entrenched that the ideological garb created by the so called ‘intellectual mafia’ continues to distort the age-old value systems that are being recognised abroad but still not in the home country!

'''References'''

1. Datta, M. (1897). A Prose English Translation of the Mahabharata.

2. Dikshitar, R. (1949). Tirukkural of Tiruvalluvar (in Roman transliteration) with English Translation.

3. D., Hema. (2010). Good Governance Models from Ancient India and Their Contemporary Relevance: A Study. ''IBA Journal of Leadership and Management.''

4. Sharma, M. (2022). Reflection of God Governance in Tirukural-Universal Relevance. ''Pracya Journal.'' Accessed October 28, 2022. [https://www.pracyajournal.com/article/39/8-1-12-269.pdf. https://www.pracyajournal.com/article/39/8-1-12-269.pdf.]

5. Khangarot, M., and HcmRipa. (2017). International Journal of Allied Practice, Research and Review-Good Governance in Ancient India: An Analysis. [http://www.ijaprr.com/download/issue/Volume_IV/Issue_VIII/158_Volume_IV_Issue_VIII_15-21_Dr_Meenakshi.pdf. http://www.ijaprr.com/download/issue/Volume_IV/Issue_VIII/158_Volume_IV_Issue_VIII_15-21_Dr_Meenakshi.pdf.]

6. Altekar, A.S. (1955). ''State and Government in Ancient India.'' MotilalBanarasidass.

7. Tiwari, D. (1990). The Concept of State in the Mahabharata. Generic.

8. Basham, A.L. (1954). ''A Wonder That Was India''. Sidgwick & Jackson.

9. Mukherjee, J. (2010). Revisiting Good Governance in Ancient Indian Political Thought. ''The Indian Journal of Political Science.'' 71(1), 53-58.

10. Sharma, S.K., Good Governance in Ancient India: Remembering Kingship in Shantiparva of Mahabharata. ''Meerut Journal of Political Science and Public Administration,''6(1).

11. Bhattacharya, S. C., Dalmiya, V., & Mukherji, G. (2018). Exploring Agency in the Mahabharata: Ethical and Political Dimensions of Dharma. Taylor & Francis.

The Idea of Good Governance in Ancient India with Special Reference to the Mahabharata and Thirukkural

2023-10-14T08:53:38Z

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Authored by Amritha V.

Going by the definition of UNDP, governance in the modern conception “comprises of mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their legal obligations and mediate their differences.”

For ages, good governance has been the ideal vision for political scientists, theorists, policymakers, decision-makers and academicians. The goodness of the citizens backed by the goodness of the government has been the prima concern for any society. This demands efficiency, effectiveness, ethical, economic and equitable governance at the systems and sub-systems of the government. Just, fair and citizen-caring governance endowed by accountable and responsible government characterises a good government. Since the inception of government, good governance has been the mainstay of the evaluation of its functioning. Further, I have conceptualised the Indic models of good governance in the backdrop of the super-imposition of Western models in academic discourses. Nonetheless, Euro-centrism is not a new phenomenon. It has been swaying the scholarly works on polity and society over the past few decades. This humble attempt is driven by a motive to trace the roots of the so-called 'Western' notions in our age-old scriptures.

The unprecedented crises that we witness each day, conflicts and clashes between countries, super powers being suspicious of each other and recent reports of UNHRC on governance calls for greater responsiveness as these problems are deep-rooted and threatening our sustenance. It is at this juncture that Mahabharata and Thirukkural come to our rescue. It also becomes pertinent for us to inculcate the principles of Dharma and other virtues conveyed in the scriptures in state governance, corporate governance, educational curriculum and other spheres to revive the age-old values the Indian subcontinent is instilled in.

'''Idea of Good Governance in the Mahabharata''' '''(with special reference to Shantiparva)'''

In the ravaging war of Kurukshetra between the Pandavas and the Kauravas, after which the former gained a massive victory, Yudhishtira, the eldest among the Pandavas and the one to ascend the throne, approached Bhishma to expound the Rajadharma to him. Bhishma, who had mastered the art and science of Rajadharma, dilated it to Yudhishtira and this was incorporated in the Shanti Parva of Mahabharata. Thence, Shantiparva stands as an authoritative exposition on the origin and intent of the state, rule of law, the institution of kingship-powers and duties of the king.

The book of Shantiparva comprises 365 chapters and 13,716 verses and has three sub-parvas. They are Rajadharmanushasana Parva, Apaddharmanushasana Parva and Mokshadharma Parva. Rajadharmanushasana Parva has 130 chapters and describes the origin of state, kingship and governance. Apaddharmanushasana Parva from chapters 131 to 173 comprises 1649 verses and describes the rule of conduct at times of adversity. Mokshadharma Parva from chapters 174 to 365, with 7351 verses describes the attainment of liberation and self-realisation.

The importance attributed by Mahabharata to the origin of state and kingship is astounding. It states, “A man should first choose his king, then his wife, and only then amass wealth; for without a king in the world where would wife and property be?”

In the state of nature, under anarchy and increasing delusional tendencies among people called for the necessity to uphold dharma, protect family, property and varnashrama dharma by the king. It’s said that the very essence of kingship lies in the realisation of the king that there is nothing higher than dharma and that the well-being of the king and subjects lies in his ability to abide by it.

Bhishma accords huge importance to the coronation of the king as the prime duty of a kingdom; which otherwise would pave way for anarchy and attack by robbers. Further, he adds that the king is the incarnation of Indra on earth; thereby giving divine origin to the idea of kingship. A king is described to be the heart of people, their refuge, greatest glory and happiness. He is the delighter of people, conferrer of happiness, bestower of prosperity, healer of injuries, master of earth and guardian of men.

The discussion further on, revolves around the expositions in Shanti Parva on good governance. It comprises education of the king, his conduct; Rajadharma, accountability in administration, transparency, responsiveness, rule of law, effectiveness and efficiency and desirability of a strategic vision.

Unlike in present times, the education of the king was of paramount importance. The Adi and Anushasana Parvas of Mahabharata state that the king has to get an education in the disciplines of Nitisastra, Itihasa, Purana, Veda and Vedanga, Yuktisara (logic), Philology and Sabdasastra (grammar), music, allied arts and military sciences. He must study the scriptures and also live in the company of reputed teachers to employ his mental faculties.The text also necessitates knowledgeable counsel and advisers for the king.

The proverb ‘No Rajah; No Praja’ defines the desirability of a king. The code of conduct ascertained that means of livelihood and laws of morality are upheld in the kingdom. The vivid example of reign under Duryodhana narrates how non-adherence to the code of conduct brings a moral crisis between the people and the government. King enriched the virtues of the people. An account in the Udyoga Parva mentions that the good conduct of the king fetches him assistance from his allies and other wheels of state to remain strong.

Bhishma gives an account of 36 virtues that the king must relentlessly practise. These virtues such as performing duties without malice, earning wealth without persecution and cruelty, seeking pleasure without attachment, being pure, liberal and so on, seek to establish dharma in all facets of kingship and statecraft. Further, it’s said that the king who is crowned with all accomplishments, and good conduct, is righteous, humble and self-controlled, able to keep his passions under control and is not enquiring but countenancing; never loses prosperity. Administration of justice, keeping his conduct straightforward and abiding by the expedients of concealing his shortcomings, ascertaining the loophole of his enemies and keeping his allies and associates close would also bring him prosperity.

The king has to be Dandavid to ensure that lawlessness doesn’t prevail in the territory. His conduct must always follow a middle pathand should seek the art of loving his subjects. The king must possess discipline entailing the virtues of universal love, compassion, charity and performance of acts for the welfare of others. It was also important for him to realise the Trivarga-Dharma, Artha and Kama.

Raja dharma was pertinent to state administration and an essential element in ensuring justice, peace and prosperity for the subjects. Such a kingdom, where Rajadharma is upheld was called Dharmarajya and the ruler was titled Dharmaraj. To sum up, Rajadharma is in protecting righteousness and slaying the wicked.

The duties of the king enlisted in the Rajadharma Parva very much resonate with the idea of accountability. Safeguarding the law and order of the country was among the chief duties of the king. He also had the Dharmic duty to protect all varnas.

The king is to keep a watch on the appointed officials who could be troublesome to the people. His welfare duties amplify the commitment towards social justice and the happiness of the masses. He has to support the weaker sections of the society-the poor, aged, orphans, widows, handicapped and the sanyasis. The officers designated with the task of overlooking local administration acted as the wings of the centre, to ensure accountability.

There were innumerable ways through which transparency was brought about in the polity and statecraft. There were also certain instruments to keep the authority of the king under check. The reign of the king commenced with an oath ceremony; which he was morally bound to respect. Concerning the origin of the state in Shantiparva, Raja Prthu ascends the throne by promising to ensure happiness in the state and be mindful of his duties and responsibilities.

The religious and spiritual sanctions kept the king abreast of the injunctions in Dharmashastras he is bound to abide by. His ministers had a significant role in advising him in his functional duties and the formulation of policies. The 59th chapter of Shantiparva that states; the king is always under the other’s control (parantantra) and never independent (swantantra) captures the institution of checks and balances which existed then. The departments are to be headed by ministers who are attributed portfolios. For instance, under the reign of Yudhishtira, Sanjaya was appointed the minister of finances, Nakula to keep a check on the forces, Phalguna to resist hostile forces, and Arjuna headed the ministry of striking command.These ministers supplemented by functionaries collectively constituted the decision-making body and its implementation.

About any issues; financial matters, in particular, the king sought the advice of concerned departments. He had no right to collect taxes at his whim and nor could he use them without the consent of the respective minister. Similarly, even though the king headed the judiciary, he had no right to interfere and influence the judicial procedure. Apart from this, like in modern times, there were pressure groups and interest groups that exerted considerable influence on the policies relating to industry and taxation. The Shanti Parva and Sabha Parva make references with regard to the guilds which exercised influence over the king’s authority and kept his decisions under check.

To ensure responsiveness, the king must be well aware of the dangers pervading the kingdom and the means to remove them.The ordinary rules are to be suspended at times of emergency. The Shanti Parva describes that the king must save the people from distress and aid with his money. In an outbreak of war, if the government is met with a crisis, financial measures have to be adopted. The king should impose extra tax only after assuring the people of the crisis. The king should even go forth to forge a treat with the enemy for the sake of saving lives. The Parva also discusses how pertinent it is for the king to maintain the treasury.

Ensuring rule of law was much needed to erase anarchy or ‘Matsya Nyaya’; big fish devouring the small fish. Dandaniti is the science of chastisement. According to Bhishma, the destruction of Dandaniti would pave way for the disappearance of three Vedas and the duties of four varnas would get muddled. It is in the fear of punishment, that people do not kill each other and cause instability of Rajadharma. Non-observance of Danda plunges everything into darkness. Of all four ends of life, Dharma, Artha, Kama and Moksha, Dharma is regarded as human justice. Artha comprises the means that cater to worldly prosperity. Kama refers to pleasure-seeking urges in men while Moksha is the highest end of life.

Bhishma describes the four sources of law viz; Devasammat, ArshaSrota, Lok Sammat and Sanstha Sammat. The robust judicial administration ensured timely justice to the grieved; as justice delayed was believed to pave way for evils in society. It also advocates capital punishment to uphold virtuousness among individuals. The king has to be impartial while imparting justice or taking action against the violators of Dharma and has to renounce favouritism to his close associates.The examples from that of the kings Janaka of Mithila and Sagara of Ayodhya who inflicted punishments on their sons for violating Dharma are epitomes of beholders of justice and the rule of law. At the same time, it is also advocated that the judicial staff must reflect before sentencing and the punishment sentenced must always be in proportion to the crime committed. It also emphasises striking the right balance between harsh, capital punishments and otherwise. This makes sure that innocent relatives of a criminal are never punished in the name of a crime. Bhishma underscores that the king who uses danda according to his whims and fancies would ‘go to hell’.

Effectiveness and efficiency in the administration could be brought about through a counsel ingrained with values of compassion, ethics, integrity, reliability, reason, justice and knowledge. The coterie of advisers to the king who is appointed to look into the day-to-day affairs of the kingdom must be effective and efficiency-driven. The king is told to give due consideration to the advice of ‘purohits’, who are committed to bringing the king on to the right path. These Brahmanas, who were wise, humble and of noble birth, were intelligent and knew Vedas and the sacred texts. The purohits and rajpurohits catered to the overall development of the kingdom and also ensured that the government is steadfast to morality and ethics.

Shanti Parva also entails strategic vision in the functioning of the king and the council. King was to invoke totalitarian powers whenever required. However, these powers do not make the king omnipotent. Though the king is powerful, Shantiparva strikes down an oppressive king and sanctions the subjects to revolt against one who fails to discharge his duties. In places, Mahabharata allows for revolt against a king, stating that a king who fails to ensure the protection of people is no king and that he should be killed like a mad dog. Hence, in Mahabharata, we see an equilibrium of political obligation and monarchy. Even in the era of absolute monarchy, it’s astounding how political obligation has a generous concern. Contemporary theorists of political obligation, such as T.H Green and Harold Laski recognize how Mahabharata underscores the right of citizens to resist unjust laws and empowers them to remove such a ruler who acts contrary to the well-being of people.

The precepts in the Shantiparva are in lines of ‘SarvajanaSukhinoBhavantu’. Unlike now, the idea of good governance was implicit in kingship then as the king had a threefold obligation to governance; political, moral and social. This brings us to a claim that kinship in ancient India is ‘benevolent and paternalistic-bound’ because of a prolonged compilation of instructions of service that the king has to abide by.

Throughout the discourse, more apparently, the importance accorded to Dharma was profound. Mahabharata specifies ‘dharma vihina, pashubhisamana’; meaning without Dharma, a man is no different from an animal. Dharma seeps into the idiosyncratic problems of the state as an ethical and political agency. As Peter Hill notes, it is driven by the efficacy of individual action and freedom. As apparent in Mahabharata, dharma triggered the rise and fall of kingdoms as and when digressions in dharma took place.

Further, when Yudhishtira asks Bhishma about the path of a king who is abandoned by allies and left in distress with a depleted treasury and no resources to follow, Bhishma advises of ‘apaddharma’. Bhishma speaks of two complementary sides of the same coin of dharma; the one for the capable to abide by and the other for the one in distress. Protection of dharma calls for some amount of adharma and diversion from universal dharma. But then, does this cater to mischief and turn away from Matsya Nyaya? To this, Bhishma answers that even the path of adharma the king has to follow at times of distress must be for the sake of the welfare of people and the preservation of lives but not to meet selfish ends. Chapter 69 of Shantiparva rightly states that the king must first conquer himself and then his enemies. Hence, even apadharma demands the king to discard his likes and dislikes. Therefore, Rajadharma comprehensively answers all the terms and conditions and clarifies the exceptional times at which adharma has to be pursued without giving up on the dharmic base.

==== '''The Idea of Good Governance in the ''Thirukkural''''' ====
Composed by Tiruvalluvar, Tirukkural is a compilation of thousand and thirty couplets structured in 133 chapters that comprise ten couplets each. Of the three chapters-Arattuppal, Paruttappal and Kamatuppal, the former chapters describe Porul; i.e public affairs, political philosophy and political economy in detail. With over 700 couplets, the section gives us insights into politics and governance in the 4th-5th century CE. Literally meaning ‘sacred verses’, Thirukkural is referred to as ‘pearls of wisdom’. With over 1330 verses, this masterpiece in Tamil literature brilliantly carries the essence of good governance. In this didactic work, he has ostensibly written about governance and entwined it with morals, ethics and prevailing schemes of values.

Participation is a cornerstone of good governance and has a substantial role in the decision making despite the form of government. The couplet 462 in chapter 47 states that it’s impossible to not attain any objective when decisions are taken after holding due deliberations and considerations with the counsel of persons; who constitute the selected associates of the king. He further states that competency of the person should first be convinced of to the king as to ensure accomplishment of tasks assigned to him. Valluvar further adds that pursuing any decision should be done after due consideration of the expert in any field to understand the complexities and challenges in the project and move accordingly. He holds that, the institution which is receptive to criticism from the people would be highly esteemed.

Orientation to consensus has reflected in a number of couplets in Tirukkural. According to Tiruvalluvar, seeking the advice of close associates would help attain the set out objectives. He also sets out that the king must orient himself with the worldly practices as to reach a consensus. It is consensus that sustains any well thought-out decision.

Accountability is exemplified in a number of verses of Thirukkural. Valluvar says that the king, who addresses the people, dispenses justice and ensure protection to them would be considered God. Further, he adds that he must not run behind conceit or frivolous acts that he becomes unattentive to the welfare calls of people.

Emphasising on transparency, Thiruvalluvar states in one of the verses that the king must be of easy access to his subjects and must refrain from using harsh words as that blemishes his image and such a king would not be transparent to his people. That king, who is courteous, friendly and protects the interests of citizens, would be highly regarded by the people.

As to ensure responsiveness, Valluvar warns that a king will fall into ruins if he does an act that he is not supposed to do or if he fails to do something that he is ought to do. On similar lines, in another couplet, he pronounces that the king should delay deeds which could be delayed but not the ones which ought to be done. These couplets convey the pressing need for a king to run to the service of all his stakeholders whenever the time demands.

Effectiveness and efficiency is reflected throughout the chapter. In one of the couplets, Valluvar says that the vices of procrastination, carelessness, sluggishness, and sleep as the boats that would drive the king to losing his base. Unlike a sloth, a king must be attentive, vigilant and agile for efficient and effective governance in the kingdom.

Speaking of equity, Thiruvalluvar specifically mentions that a king must be capable of not only acquiring and preserving wealth but also distribute it wisely. Vallluvar’s idea of equity is however not restricted to equal distribution of wealth. He stresses the need of extolling other virtues such as sharing of food and preservation of lives of other creatures-giving a manifold view to the conventional view of equity.

As in Mahabharata, the rule of law is of great pertinence to Valluvar. A just monarch must uphold dual pillars of strict enquiry and impartial justice. Further on, he says that in the land of righteous monarch, there will be rains and crops in abundance; meaning –justice ensures well-being of one and all. Valluvar maintains philanthropy, benevolence, rule of justice and welfare of people as the hallmark of any administration. The administration of justice for him, meant unbiased and impartial exercise of judgements. He recommends the king to invoke capital punishment as and when necessary to ensure protection of the subjects and to maintain the law and order. At the same time, he should also ensure that the punishment is not excessive. His conception is similar to the thoughts conveyed in Arthashastra which opines that administration of justice must be in line with the principle of Dharma. He relates justice to rain; the way rain brings prosperity to lands, justice brings prosperity to people. If the government fails to render justice to people at the right time or to ensure redressal of their grievances, it is certain to go down the drain.

Valluvar affirms the desirability of strategic vision in a few couplets. He gives supreme importance to fortifications, a strong army and a well-knit espionage system. Any move of the king should align with certain considerations such as the strength of his plan, his resources, strength of the enemy and the ally alike. It is astounding how Thiruvalluvar, in one of his couplets stresses on the need for the king to act in conformity with the world opinion; to acknowledge the realities of the word and act wisely.

Valluvar attributes huge importance to fortifications. According to him, they catered to the security measures of a kingdom and maintenance of peace. He describes that a fort must have accessibility to water, fertile lands and must be equipped with arms and ammunitions. It should be designed in a way that it resists attacks and is inaccessible for the enemies.

An army marked with valour, fearlessness, trustworthiness, honour, chivalry and fortitude make it invincible. The soldiers must be highly efficient, well-trained and malleable to demanding circumstances. The king must attend to the demands of the army and ensure that it has a decisive and capable leadership.

Valluvar also notes down the characteristics needed in a diplomat or envoy. As he puts it, ‘a book of law and a spy are two eyes of a king’. He should be of noble birth, amiable, patriotic, knowledgeable and eloquent. An erudite and impressive personality should enable him convey messages in a concise and apprehensive way. Espionage system also acquires prominence in the framework of Valluvar’s statecraft and governance. This was imperative to gather information about the enemies and track the movements of people. He emphasises on the need for an espionage system, objectives and methods of such a system and on how to build a network of spies. He describes on the training and attributes of spies. Like Kautilya, Tiruvalluvar sets down the responsibilities and working of a spy system. According to him, an envoy must possess three qualities; he must have devotion to king, should be wise and must have good facility of speech. Since he is embarking on a great mission of representing his land, he has to be a scholar.

In addition to this, Valluvar elaborates on the qualities of a state, king and the cabinet. He describes that a king must be vigilant, righteous, cordial, diligent and zealous. He must always adhere to the principle of Dharma. Similar to Saptanga theory of Kautilya, he proposes six bases to the efficiency of a king; viz, a trustworthy army, responsible citizenry, a resourceful treasury, efficient cabinet and officials, well equipped fortress, espionage system and cordial relations with the foreign counterparts. He must be honest, polite and valorous. His prior commitments must be to produce and accumulate wealth, conserve resources, ensure equal distribution of wealth and security of people. An ideal king must be benevolent, rectitude, fortitude and concern for the welfare of the people. Not to bring up ruinous consequences, a king must consider the five aspects of resources, time, place, means and nature of execution before embarking on a war.

Tiruvalluvar states that an adept minister must be honest, devoid of sensual pleasure and free from fear of sacrificing life and lure of wealth. A minister should be considerate of time, place, means, manner and difficulties. He must be of noble birth and must be marked with courteous behaviour, steadiness in thought, speech and action and humility. Here, it’s apparent that Kautilya and Thiruvalluvar share similar thoughts regarding the qualities a king and cabinet must possess. Further, he says that the associates should not be preferred based on personal affinity to knowledge or diligence and must be capable of reading ‘unexpressed thoughts’. Management techniques and decision-making process are also discussed in detail. Valluvar says that a minister might see his mother starve but still not act hastily; referring to the commitment a minister must have towards the king. He has to avoid actions that brings in grief and loss to king.

According to Tiruvalluvar, a prosperous kingdom must have fertile and resourceful land, industrious citizenry and wealthy merchants. There should be peaceful coexistence among people and the kingdom must be free from famine, epidemics, anti-social elements and ravaging enemy.

The idea of good governance proposed by Valluvar stands out in many ways. He can be observed emphasising not only on political ideals but also on economic elements in his theory on statecraft and governance. Here is one such example. He states that the three factors of land, labour and capital are indispensable for any kingdom to flourish. This proposition is rooted on the belief that an ideal kingdom should not be vulnerable to starvation, epidemics and other threats. He also stresses on the need to incorporate freedom from hunger and disease and also from foreign invasions; which otherwise would hamper the kingdom. Along with ethics and morals, wealth also acquires prominence in Valluvar’s ideas. He opines on wasted wealth as “he who hoards wealth and does not enjoy it or utilize it to benefit others, is as good as dead, and his wealth is a waste”. According to him, among all other occupations, agriculture is the supreme; ‘lynchpin of the world and worthiest of crafts’. State in Valluvar’s conception has no place for poverty. Poverty brings in only miseries and hinders greatness of the kingdom. These pragmatic ideas convey that Valluvar’s notions on good governance are an amalgamation of political as well as economical and ethical ideals.

This work, which brought about a wave of revolution in Tamil Nadu, would be a cause for revolution in governance and other domains all over the world if these ideas are taken to word. These succinct ideas that Valluvar has ingrained continue to be relevant for all dimensions of human life.

'''Conclusion'''

It could be easy to identify components and other key takeaways of good governance from the ancient scriptures. However, discerning the problems in governance and combating them effectively as not to limit the idea of good governance in rhetorical realm. The exercise of power and functioning in a setting could be chaotic in practical and operational terms.

The governance systems all across the globe are plagued with a number of issues and challenges such as criminalization of politics, corruption, failure in decentralisation and devolution of powers, malfunctioning of bureaucracy and the civil services, partisan politics and centre-state conflicts etc are few among many.

As a treatise of statecraft, Mahabharata throws light to the fact that in spite of evolving times, political theories in the text are worth following, not only to maintain the territorial integrity of state but also to promote welfare of people. The literary masterpiece of Thirukkural on the other hand, with its unquestionable immortality and universality, contributes to the nation-building and its adherence would bring in integrity and ethics to the government.

The discoveries and products of ancient India are mostly depicted as those of Arab origin, taking away vitality of the Indian texts. Though Arabs were on a mission to re-transmit the Sanskrit texts, making it easy for the Europeans, such depictions take away the essence of the precepts. Even in the post-independence period we see a tendency of depreciating traditional knowledge systems, resulting in distortion of facts. Indian’s intellectual elite continue to cheer portrayal of pre-colonial India as superstitious, feudalistic, irrational and lacking in scientific temper. This has indeed furthered Euro-centrism and fuelled up prejudice against our traditional knowledge systems. The root cause for this disposition is our flawed education system; that has subverted the ancient ideas, knowledge systems, scientific and cultural achievements in the curricula. The stereotypes are so deeply entrenched that the ideological garb created by the so called ‘intellectual mafia’ continues to distort the age-old value systems that are being recognised abroad but still not in the home country!

'''ReferenceS'''

1. Datta, M. (1897). A Prose English Translation of the Mahabharata.

2. Dikshitar, R. (1949). Tirukkural of Tiruvalluvar (in Roman transliteration) with English Translation.

3. D., Hema. (2010). Good Governance Models from Ancient India and Their Contemporary Relevance: A Study. ''IBA Journal of Leadership and Management.''

4. Sharma, M. (2022). Reflection of God Governance in Tirukural-Universal Relevance. ''Pracya Journal.'' Accessed October 28, 2022. [https://www.pracyajournal.com/article/39/8-1-12-269.pdf. https://www.pracyajournal.com/article/39/8-1-12-269.pdf.]

5. Khangarot, M., and HcmRipa. (2017). International Journal of Allied Practice, Research and Review-Good Governance in Ancient India: An Analysis. [http://www.ijaprr.com/download/issue/Volume_IV/Issue_VIII/158_Volume_IV_Issue_VIII_15-21_Dr_Meenakshi.pdf. http://www.ijaprr.com/download/issue/Volume_IV/Issue_VIII/158_Volume_IV_Issue_VIII_15-21_Dr_Meenakshi.pdf.]

6. Altekar, A.S. (1955). ''State and Government in Ancient India.'' MotilalBanarasidass.

7. Tiwari, D. (1990). The Concept of State in the Mahabharata. Generic.

8. Basham, A.L. (1954). ''A Wonder That Was India''. Sidgwick & Jackson.

9. Mukherjee, J. (2010). Revisiting Good Governance in Ancient Indian Political Thought. ''The Indian Journal of Political Science.'' 71(1), 53-58.

10. Sharma, S.K., Good Governance in Ancient India: Remembering Kingship in Shantiparva of Mahabharata. ''Meerut Journal of Political Science and Public Administration,''6(1).

11. Bhattacharya, S. C., Dalmiya, V., & Mukherji, G. (2018). Exploring Agency in the Mahabharata: Ethical and Political Dimensions of Dharma. Taylor & Francis.

Gurukulas: A Functioning Indigenous Education System in Early 19th Century

2023-10-14T08:51:58Z

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Authored by Punit

Indian knowledge traditions are among the oldest knowledge system to have existed; its domains transcend the narrow disciplinary boundaries of today. These knowledge traditions have been maintained over generations through the institutions namely ‘Gurukula’ which can be understood as residential schools. Apart from Gurukula, there were large universities like Vikramshila and Nalanda. These institutions were spread across the geographical territory of the Indian subcontinent. Scholars such as A.S. Altekar, N.N Mazumdar and more recently Suhana Singh have explained the nuances of these institutions and the mechanism through which they imparted knowledge across varied section of the populace.

However, foreign invasions in the early medieval to medieval period led to large scale disruption in proper functioning of such institutions, particularly that of universities. The destruction of various universities such as Nalanda and Vikramsila by Islamic invaders is well known. But the Gurukuls which were comparatively smaller in size and were more evenly distributed, even across the rural areas, survived these attacks. The accounts of various foreign travellers coming to India throughout the medieval period, speaks of its prevalence. And they continued to the early colonial period which can be seen from Adam’, which highlights the presence of Gurukulas across Bihar and Bengal.

Travenier, a 17th century French gem merchant, in his travelogue ''Travels in India'' (2020) gives detailed description of education and transmission of knowledge in Gurukukls. He praises Brahmans for their knowledge in astronomy as “they do not make a mistake of a minute” in foretelling the eclipse of the sun and moon. He elaborated on a kind of school at Benaras, where people used to study astrology and law. Travenier also gives unique description of a building established by Mirza Raja Jai Singh, where the education was imparted to children of princes taking inspiration from the gurukul tradition. Here the students were taught to read and write Sanskrit, mathematics and some knowledge of geography as well. Similarly the French physician Bernier in his book Travels In the Mogul Empire speaks about the system of education in tune with “schools of the ancient”.

In Bengal District Gazetter, it has been mentioned by L. S. S. O Malley that in Bengal during the Mughal period, the rent leisured class gave patronage to the classical Sanskrit learning. People such as Ran Bhavani and Raja Krishna Chandra made large number of land endowments to Gurukulas. Furthermore Henry Lawrence, a British military officer suggested in his report that there was one school for every 1783 inhabitants of the most backward division of the Punjab at the time of annexation. Even writing as late as 1820, Abbe J.A. Dubois says that "there are very few villages in which one or many public schools are not to be found ... that the students learn in them all that is necessary to their ranks and wants ... namely, reading, writing, and accounts”. Hence, it can be seen that the intricate systems of Gurukuls survived the disruption caused centuries of Islamic political hegemony.

The real blow to the Gurukul education came with the onset of British Colonialism and the consequent interventions it initiated across the socio-cultural and political domains. On the one hand these European colonial officers and also missionaries rediscovered various texts and knowledge traditions of India, but they in a way systematically destroyed the system of Gurukuls.

After Macaulay Minute, which settled the ongoing debate of medium of instruction for the natives in favour of Anglicist, the limited government resource was to be devoted solely for the teaching of western sciences and literature in English. The Governors of the North Western Provinces such as Clerk and James Thomason, and Governor-Generals of India like Auckland, Ellenborough and others closed down these schools as they consisted of “boys from miserable background” and “lower classes” as they thought students from lower origins were not qualified for modern education. They enforced their system of elementary education from above which was controlled by administrative machinery, something which was alien to the people. Hence, the local support withered leading to the further depletion of funds which were already scarce for these Gurukuls. These gurukuls were mostly supported by rent-free land which was withheld. Dharmpal in his work ''A Beautiful Tree'' (2021) states that it was sometimes as large as 35 percentage of the total land, and sometimes even 50 percent was seized by the administration in name of land reforms. G.W. Leitner, the founder of Government College, Lahore, and the Punjab University and undoubtedly one of the world's greatest ever linguist, who studied 'Indigenous Education in the Punjab, gives the names of many of hundreds of scholars who were endowed with lands but whose grants were terminated as a result of which the institution they ran died down within a generation.

With the increasing dominance of British Colonial regime, the Indian education system which used to provide education to masses was replaced by a mechanism which was made to serve the elites. Along with choosing limited number of students they also wanted to limit the education given. As Pramila V Rao shows in her article that Anglicist–Orientalist debate was not just the difference in perspective on “what” to teach to Indians but was also closely related to “whom” to teach and “how much” to teach. The result was the increasing illiteracy as Henry Lawrence who was a British Military officer and a surveyor shows that there was one school for every 1783 inhabitant of the most backward division of Punjab at the time of annexation. But 30 years later in 1881, according to the president Of Education Commission Sir William Wilson Hunter “there is one school of whatever sort to every 9.028 inhabitants”.

Finally, looking at the evolution of the education system in India, we can conclude that the gurukul system, which served the Indian way of life better, was educating the masses throughout the medieval period, but only in the 19th century it faced setbacks.

'''References'''

1. Tavernier, J. B. (2020). ''Travels in India''. Gyan Publishing House

2. Dharampal (2021). ''A Beautiful Tree''. Rasthtrotthana Sahitya.

Hydromanagement in Ancient India

2023-10-14T08:51:18Z

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Authored by Soham Dutta

'''Introduction'''

Since the inception of civilization in India, water has played a crucial role in the daily lives of people who have resided there. In Rigvedic hymns, water is also revered as Varun dev, while the Saraswati River, one of the most significant water supplies for the Harappan civilization, was revered as a goddess. Not only Saraswati, but every spring of water, regardless of its size, was imbued with religious and spiritual significance. However, the significance of water was not limited to intangible spiritual qualities alone; it was also reflected in common people’s usage of practical water management techniques. Whether it was the enormous subterranean water reservoirs of Dholavira or the ring wells of Hastinapur, successive generations inherited the Indian hydro management system. The expertise of water management was passed down through generations not just in developed metropolitan regions but also in rural communities that were responsible for the maintenance of natural and manmade waterbodies. Regardless of terrain, Indians were able to adapt and create in accordance with varying climatic and geographical conditions, which was necessary for the sustenance of both settlement life and the natural environment. Ancient India, like other ancient civilizations throughout the world, developed hydrologic science due to the need to control water. Until recently, however, the majority of ancient hydrological knowledge was kept secret and unknown to the general public. This research will give insight into ancient India’s hydrological, hydraulic, and related technological understanding, as described in current literature and recent expeditions and discoveries. The Vedas, in particular the Rigveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda, include numerous references to the water cycle and related processes, such as water quality, hydraulic machines and other structures, and nature-based solutions (NBS) for water management. The Harappan Civilization demonstrates the degree of water science development in ancient India, which included the construction of sophisticated hydraulic structures, wastewater disposal systems based on central and decentralized principles, and wastewater treatment techniques. The Mauryan empire (322 BCE–185 BCE) is recognized as the first hydraulic civilization, as evidenced by the construction of dams with spillways, reservoirs, and channels with spillways; an understanding of water balance; the development of water pricing systems; rainfall measurement; and knowledge of various hydrological processes. As we delve deeper into hydrologic references in ancient literature and archaeological sites, several intriguing facets of the Indians’ early scientific endeavors become apparent.

===== '''Geo-Climatic Profile of India''' =====
Elevated parts in northern India, including the Himalayas, get persistent winter snowfall and have climates that range from moderate to alpine. The Himalayan Mountains and the Thar Desert have significant effects on the country's climate. A bulk of the Indian subcontinent stays warmer than most countries at comparable latitudes because the Himalayas act as a barrier to the frigid katabatic winds pouring down from Central Asia. Therefore, the northern parts of the country experience a continental climate, with hot summers and cold winters. As a contrary, the coastal areas of the country are reliably warm and receive heavy rains year round. Typically located where the temperature is high or warm, the Western Ghats, southern Assam, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Lakshadweep Islands all have a tropical wet monsoon climate. Between May and November, these areas average 2,000 millimeter’s of precipitation per year.

The climate in northern and northeastern India is predominantly subtropical. The climate of these regions is characterized by extremely high temperatures during the summer and extremely low temperatures during the winter. Extra precipitation typically occurs in these areas during the winter months.

From January through July, the country experiences a seasonal wind reversal and the second of two wet seasons. Dry, chilly air dominates the winter sky over the Indian subcontinent, blowing in from the northern latitudes and sweeping northeastward. The summer or south-west monsoon is a reversal of winds across the region caused by the severe summer heat warming the northern Indian subcontinent and luring moist breezes over the oceans.

Seventy-five percent of India's yearly precipitation occurs during these four months, making this the single most influential component in the country's climate (June to September). Variability in the onset, duration, and amount of rainfall throughout the monsoon season has significant effects on the country's water supplies, power generation, agriculture, economy, and ecosystems. It's possible that there is no other area of comparable size in the globe with as much climatic diversity. Precipitation amounts can vary widely from one region to another. While Western Rajasthan often receives less than 13 centimeter’s of rain per year, Mawsyram Meghalaya can get as much as 1,141 centimeter’s. The varying climate regimes, from humid in the northeast to dry in the southwest, are roughly reflected in the rainfall pattern (Attri and Tyagi, 2010)3. It is also important to briefly describe the hydrogeological formations, in addition to rainfall, that influence the depth of the aquifer. The alluvial deposits that cover river basins, coastal, and deltaic tracts are the largest and most important ground water reserves for widespread construction. The Indo-Ganga-Brahmaputra basin has the potential to tap into vast quantities of fresh ground water thanks to its favorable hydrogeological setting and ground water regime conditions. These ground water reservoirs are constantly being refilled despite previous heavy use because they are located in areas with abundant rainfall and are covered by a thick layer of permeable sediments (Saha, Dipankar & Shekhar, Shashank & Khan, Shakir &Vittala, S S& Raju, Nandimandalam, 2016)26. Thus, it can be claimed that no single system can be employed for water management in a country like India, with continental proportions; rather, a number of ingenious techniques and systems have been adapted over thousands of years based on local demands.

'''Pre-Harappan Beginnings: An Overview of Neolithic Mehrgrah Culture'''

The Neolithic era ranged from c. 7000 BC to c. 3000 BCE or later in the Indian subcontinent. The well-established Neolithic period is illustrated by advanced pottery, an agro-pastoral culture, population growth, geographical extension, and innovation in technologies such as the use of gold, seals, glazed steatite, beads, and a water irrigation system. The advanced plumbing and sewer systems were also developed by early engineers and reached their peak during the Harappan era.

One of the earliest examples of neolithic and pre-Harappan hydromanagement can be found in the sites of Mehrgarh culture, which was established on the hill slopes as well as the plain strips of hills or fans in the arid-to-semiarid region of Balochistan with scarcity of water for their survival and agriculture fields. They introduced the gabarbands and checkdams to store the rainwater from open areas, and the khushkaba and sailaba storage systems to store rainwater from the seasonal river in the valleys and use it for their survival. Due to mud-constructed walls and earth dug drains, archeologists know very little about the sanitation and wastewater technologies of Mehrgarh due to harsh weather conditions. However, the remains at Kalli Gull Muhammad and Bolan Pass, Baluchistan, indicate that they have a main drain at the sides of their residences and that the rainwater falls down to it directly from the roofs and houses. The construction of houses in a grid system reveals that there was a common wall between two houses, and in the middle and in the corner of the house, there was a toilet and a bath. Outside the constructed area, there was a check dam for the storage of rainwater with an open inlet drain from the slope or elevated areas. The check dams were used as swimming pools and also for domestic water use. A common well also existed in Kalli Gull Muhammad, as well as Bolan Pass, with spring water in nearby valleys. This evidence indicates that they had common use of wells as well as spring water, which shows their unity and coordination with one another. The Mehrgarh people were developing the concept of a swimming pool or groundwater logging system. In the northwestern part of Kalli Gull Muhammad remains, there is a square-shaped pool or water tank on the ground with an open area around it. This swimming pool is some distance from the water check dam of the settlement, with an inlet and an outlet on the eastern and western sides with compact wall stone. Furthermore, the evidence of gabarbands in Tung Valley, Sind, also represents the waterlogging technology of the Mehrgarh people for agricultural purposes, the latter of which might have been converted into check dams as well as hydro-dam technology. The "great bath" owes, without doubt, a debt to the proto-tanks of Mehrgarh. In Neolithic Mehrgarh, the water wells and tanks seem to be on one side of the village or constructive area. There is no evidence of individual wells, water tanks, or storage systems. The main drain seems to be around the constructed area, with some link drains from the houses. No doubt, the water management system of the Mehrgarh civilization was not well developed, but it provides a clue for the promotion of water technology in the future. Resultantly, the water treatment and sewage system of the Harappan civilization were more advanced compared to the Neolithic era. The Mehrgarh village of Kalli Gull Muhammad, as well as Bolan Pass remains, indicate that they had a well and water tank, as well as baths. The well and water tank were common entities to facilitate the whole village. In the houses, between bedrooms, there are small square-shaped units in the form of a row, which shows that these were the baths as well as the toilets, which exist in almost all houses ((Khan, Yilmaz, Valipour, Angelakis, 2021)17.

Generally, the Neolithic Mehrgarh is known as the village system, with some compact and dispersed house systems. The drain around the village and the waterlogging check dams indicate that they were aware of the drainage system but were not well developed technologically. It is hard to observe the well-developed drainage system in the Neolithic period, as most of these sites exist in arid areas. The remains of the gabarbands, check dams, khushkaba, and sailaba systems in the nearby valleys of the Mehrgarh settlements prove that they had a well canal and irrigation system in the entire area for the cultivation of food and cash crops (cotton, burnt rice, wheat, and barley). Because, from each gabarband, check dam, khushkaba, and sailaba, there are a number of outlet channels that represent a clue of canals to the agricultural fields near the archaeological sites of Bolan Pass, as well as Kalli Gull Muhammad. The Mehrgarh civilization was flourishing in the hilly areas and a plain strip of mountains in Balochistan during ca. 7000–2500 BC, with major archeological sites such as Kalli Gull Muhammad, Bolan Pass, Charsadda, Takht Bhai, and Udigram having complete knowledge of sanitation, canal systems, the construction of water dams, wells, and water tanks, agriculture, trade, sewers, and business systems. The developed structure of that culture then appeared in the shape of the Harappan Civilization, under which the application of neolithic hydrological management techniques reached its culmination.

====== '''Harappan Wasserluxus: Epitome of Proto-Historic Hydromanagement''' ======
Harappan people utilized a well-defined set of ideas regarding human life and culture to distinguish themselves from other people. Physical and symbolic aspects of water were an integral part of Indus philosophy, which can be identified as "Harappan Wasserluxus." Derived from the German word, the Harappan Water Splendor was reflected in architecture (via various water management and sanitation systems) and religion approximately 4000 years ago (Posehll, 2002)23. As seen at Dholavira (underground water reservoirs) and Mohenjo-daro (the Great Bath), where there were numerous wells, elaborate drainage systems, and bathing facilities in every home, water management was essential to Harappan cities. Each dwelling's bathing facilities represent the significance of washing and cleanliness (physically as well as symbolically). Numerous wells provided the pure water necessary for effective sanitation. The drainage system, on the other hand, moved effluent away from houses and out of harm's way through a brick channel that prevented contamination of the ground and city. The great bath of Mohenjo-Daro, which was elevated and suggested cleanliness, demonstrates that bathing was accorded an opulent position. Mohenjodaro was an ideological hub that reflected Indus nihilism, urban wasserluxus, and diversity. The disappearance of wasserluxus coincided with the decline of the mature phase of the Harappans, suggesting a connection between the two. The connection between wasserluxus and cities is also evident in Dholavira and Lothal, where a sophisticated year-round water harvesting system and dockyard, respectively, were given priority. From a pragmatic perspective, Water sustains human, plant, and animal life. Symbolically, it was associated with concepts of purity and pollution, as clean and fresh water was provided by wells while dirty, polluted water was discharged through drains. Even the grand bath may be a unique location for the ablutions of elites. The symbolic aspect can be better comprehended by analyzing the significance of water in Harappan religion. According to John Marshall, the Harappan religion possessed an abstract sanctity for water. As the practice of religion and the demand for rituals led to universal arrangements for bathing and drainage, water became revered and of great importance in daily life. The Harappan philosophy of wasserluxus was also reflected in its architecture. The construction of brick-lined wells was a prominent feature of Harappan cities. Mohenjo-daro contained more than 700 wells, while Lothal, Harappa, and Chanhuodro also contained a sizeable number. The baked bricks supported the soil, prevented erosion and cave-ins, and supplied clean, sweet water with minimal sediment and contaminants. When the original platforms of cities like Mohenjo-daro were constructed, they were meticulously maintained, resulting in continuity of well location over stratigraphic accumulation. The area served by wells was nearly equidistant, providing citizens with equitable access to water, particularly in lower town. Initially, wells were privately owned, but as the population grew, public wells became a necessity. In the Harappan home, a carefully paved room was discovered with a deep depression and grooves on the well's inside coping, as well as an occasional low brick platform for seating, indicating the room's communal nature. Similar to the wells, the drainage system was particularly remarkable in Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Kalibangan, Nausharo, Chanuhudaro, Allahidino, Dholivira, and Lothal. There were provisions for water management within dwellings, including intra-mud drains, vertical drain pipes in walls, chutes through walls to streets, and drains from bathing platforms to streets. Throughout the transitional period, drains appeared (early 3rd millennium BCE). In Allahdino, there are drains made of stone as well as those made of baked bricks. Some drains had a gypsum and lime plaster base with baked bricks on the sides. Specially shaped bricks were used to create the rounded corners of drains, while mud mortar was used to ensure the structural integrity of the drain. Given that drains were typically located on the sides of streets, the majority of drains had brick or stone covers. Normal baked bricks were laid horizontally, while wider drains were covered with limestone blocks quarried frequently from Rohri Hills (in the case of Mohenjodaro). With an average depth of 46 to 60 centimeters and regular settling pools and traps, coarse sediments and other materials were allowed to settle out of the flow, which was periodically collected. Extra-long bricks were used to cover larger drains or culverts. Also, one of the earliest examples of a corbelled arch used for culverts, the largest of which can be seen at Great Bath, has been discovered. The water in the street was collected by brick-lined cesspits and clay jars placed along the street. As the water was polluted and filthy, it was expelled from the home, establishing a close relationship with the wasserluxus philosophy of Harappa. The bathing facilities demonstrated an additional level of sophistication in water management. There were special bathing platforms (approximately 1.5 m square and rectilinear in shape), paved with bricks that had been meticulously prepared and set at right angles with a smoothed surface. In addition, elevated rims with brick courses surrounded the platforms. The surface of the bathroom platforms was slightly slanted toward a corner so that water could escape the bathing area via the drain. They were slopped with very smooth ground down to form a seamless surface, with lime plaster and brick dust often used for polishing. We discovered interesting artifacts at Lothal and Kalibangan in addition to Mohenjodaro. In Lothal, thirteen bathroom platforms were discovered in a high mound that was most likely a public facility, whereas in Kalibangan, the earliest examples of terracotta bathroom tiles with geometrical designs were discovered. In the course of a recent investigation, flushing mechanisms were frequently discovered in privies.

Thus, it is clear from the excavations that the Harappans were masters of water management; however, to get a deeper insight, we can have an overview of three monumental water management structures that might require the utilization of state resources.

'''Dholavira: An Aqua City'''

Archaeological excavations of the ancient city have uncovered fortified water conservation systems, frequently exhibiting advanced architectural craftsmanship. Archaeological excavations of the ancient city have uncovered fortified water conservation systems, frequently exhibiting advanced architectural craftsmanship (Harish, 2009)12.

The city of Dholavira was built between two streams in a way to fully capture the water that would flow into them after every rain. Water from the Mansar, the northern stream, was first led through a channel to a set of reservoirs along the northern perimeter of the city. The harnessing of the Manhar, the southern stream, can probably be dated to the time of the original establishment of the citadel. To the south of the citadel, there is a series of five discernible tanks, which have now been largely excavated. Of these tanks, the most impressive is the one immediately towards the east of the citadel. Measuring almost 75 m north-south and 30 m east-west, it had a triple stepped basin that was over 10 m deep at its maximum. These are thought to have actually been two larger tanks with a levee in between. The more elaborate unit further to the west was highly skilled rock cutting work. In the citadel, flat surfaces, including the tops of the fortification walls, were utilized for their rainwater runoff. It is estimated that the wide fortification wall directed runoff towards channels built within the wall itself. These channels are of unexpectedly large sizes, large enough for a person to walk inside them. There was also a small, stepped cascade on the east wall, which fed the channel in the center. These series of tanks were interconnected with either masonry or rock cut drains depending on the location. Presumably, these drains formed an overflow system such that each tank could be filled up after the preceding one was full. These hydraulic facilities provided the inhabitants of Dholavira with a year round supply of fresh water, even in a desert (Bisht, 2002)6

'''Lothal: The World's First Dockyard'''

In addition to walls, platforms, wells, drains, and paved bathing platforms, which are the typical water management system of Harappan cities, S.R. Rao identified a monumental brick-lined enclosure as the Dockyard. It is hypothesized that Lothal engineers studied the effects of tidal movements on brick-built structures, as the walls are composed of kiln-fired bricks. This knowledge also allowed them to select Lothal's location, as the Gulf of Khambhat has the greatest tidal amplitude and ships can pass through the river estuary's flow tides. A second inlet is provided on the opposite side of the main inlet, which is 12.8 meters (42 feet) in width. On the exterior wall faces, offsets were installed to counter the thrust of the water. At high tide, the water flow would have permitted ships to enter. Provision was made for the outflow of excess water via the outlet channel on the southern arm's uppermost point. Throughout their time, the city was subjected to numerous floods and storms. Docks and city perimeter walls were effectively maintained. The vociferous reconstruction of the city ensured the expansion and prosperity of the trade (Rao,1979)25.

'''Mohenjodaro: The Great Bath'''

The Great Bath was part of what appears to have been a vast hydropathic establishment and the most imposing of all the remains unearthed at Mohenjo-daro. Its plan is simple: an open quadrangle with verandahs on its four sides, a large swimming pool sunk 8 feet below the paving of the court, and a flight of steps at either end. The walls of the bathing pool were uniformly 1.36 meters thick and made waterproof by a regular lining of bitumen (tar) 2.4 centimeters thick. A drain was found in the southwest corner inside the bath. This was a hole in the brick facing that goes through two baked-brick walls and an intervening packing of clay. The end of the drain has been removed by erosion of the western edge of the mound and cannot be traced. Marshall proposes that the impressive corbelled arch of the bath drain "may have served as a secret exit in times of need." It was surrounded by a colonnade, seven across the width and ten along each side, with a roof that would have opened to the sky along with drains for the disposal of dirty water (Jansen, 1989)15.

====== '''Vedic Varuna: Vedic References of Hydro-management''' ======
During the Vedic period, it was understood how to collect water from undulating hilly terrain and transport it through canals to distant areas. Numerous verses in the Rigveda indicate that agriculture can be advanced by using water from wells and ponds, and it is mentioned that Ribhus or an engineer constructed artificial canals to irrigate desert areas. It also emphasizes the efficient use of water; that is, water obtained from various sources such as wells, rivers, rain, and any other sources on earth should be used efficiently, as it is a gift from nature, for the benefit of all. The Rigveda also contains references to irrigation by wells, canals (the word "kulya" in the Rigveda), and canal excavation. In Patanjali's Mahabhasya (150 BCE), the term "kulya" is also used. Interestingly, "asma-cakra" is mentioned in the Rigveda (a wheel made of stones). A leather strap was used to raise water in a pail using the wheel. There is also mention of "Ghatayantra" or "Udghatana" (a wheel in the shape of a drum), around which a pair of endless ropes with ghata (earthen pots) were tied at equal distances. On the basis of evidence from Indian texts written around 350 BCE, the "Noria" was developed in India around the fifth or fourth century BCE, and the knowledge was transmitted to the west by the first century BCE and to China by the second century AD. Yajurveda states that those who use rainwater for navigation, recreation, agriculture, etc. via rivers, wells, and canals will be always prosperous. Atharvaveda instructs the king to construct suitable canals across mountains to supply water for agriculture and other purposes. The chronology of Rigveda and Vedic texts makes the material evidence for Vedic water management debatable, despite the abundance of literary references. According to traditional historiography, it dates to the middle of the second millennium BCE, making it post-Harappan. According to the research of B.B. Lal and Mark Kenoyer, there were numerous similarities between the Vedic and Harappan cultures, which led to the theory that they were the same culture. Dilip Chakrabarti has a different interpretation of the similarities; he believes that the Rigvedic period can be dated to the 5th or 6th millennium BCE, while the Vedic period represents successive millennia. Thus, it is plausible, based on recent research that numerous references to various types of water management techniques in Vedic texts refer to various types of Harappan hydro management techniques and systems discovered during archaeological excavations. Nevertheless, despite the disputed chronology, it can be asserted that the significance of water management in Rigvedic culture was immense and that water was accorded divine status.

'''Early Historic Period and Classical Period: Second Urbanization and Age of Epics'''

During the 2nd millennium BCE, Harappan urbanization gave way to Gangetic ruralization as a result of devolution and localization. Nevertheless, despite the decline of cities, hydro management knowledge survived in various forms, albeit on a limited scale. During Period II (1400 BCE–1000 BCE) at Inamgaon of the Jorwe culture, channels were discovered in the courtyards of houses to drain rainwater from roofs, as well as an embankment with a channel used for irrigating the surrounding fields. In the first half of the first millennium BCE, there were indications of a second urbanization that spanned the entire Indian subcontinent. In the north, it took the form of 16 Mahajanpadas and then the Pax Maurya, whereas in the far south, in the Tamilakam region, it marked the beginning of the Sangam era.

Agriculture and livestock rearing occupied a prominent role during the Upnishadhic, Jainism and Buddhist periods (600 BCE), and channel irrigation was in vogue. Field embankments were constructed surrounding the fields to increase water holding capacity at strategic points with sluice gates to harness river water with proper regulation facilities (Arthashastra), and irrigation through conduits was in practice to deliver water to the irrigation field for attaining higher efficiency. Literature suggests that a large number of hydraulic structures (dams, canals, and lakes) were built during the Mauryan period in the Indo-Gangetic Plain and other parts of the country for irrigation and drinking purposes. In ancient times, wells and tanks were the popular sources of irrigation. The general pattern of irrigation seems to have been the same in post-Maurya times as in subsequent times in India, namely by wells, tanks, canals, and rivers. Archeological excavations have brought to light several terracotta ring-wells belonging to the period 600–200 B.C (Sharma, 1957)29. These have been found at Hastinapura, New Delhi, Rupar, Ujjain, Mathura, and Nasik." While some of these ring-wells served as sonkage pits, others were used as real wells; this was certainly the case with brick wells, for instance, the one that was found at Ujjain. In Astadhyayi of Panini (4th BCE), we find the word Kupa for wells. At around 500 BCE, the city of Ujjain was also provided with a sophisticated drainage system, having soak pits built of pottery rings or pierced pots. In Taxila around 300 BCE, a very similar drainage system to that of Mohenjo-Daro was in place (Singh, Dey, Jain, and Mujumdar, 2020)30.

By the beginning of 300 BCE, a firm administrative setup due to centralized Mauryan state had taken shape. The Kautiliya Arthasästra (c.300 BCE) emphasizes the importance of irrigation works by mentioning them as sources of crops. For everlasting benefits like excellent rainfall, water from irrigation is also equally beneficial. Another passage from Arthasăstra, while stating the attribute of a good country, highlights the importance of irrigation and not depending upon mere rainwater. Many of these structures were equipped with spillways as a safety measure against large, incoming floods. During the Mauryan Empire (400–184 BCE), the emperor Chandragupta Maurya constructed the Sudarsana dam in Girnar, Junagadh, Gujarat. Subsequent structural improvements involved the addition of conduits during the reign of Asoka the Great by his provincial governor, the "Yavana Administrator (Greek Administrator)," Tusaspha (Kielhorn, In an excavation conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) during 1951–1955, in Kumhrar (the site of ancient Pataliputra), which is a few miles south of Patna, Bihar, "a canal 45 feet broad, 10 feet deep, and traced up to the length of 450 feet" was found, possibly belonging to the Mauryan period. The canal was linked with the "Son River" and also with the "Ganges" for navigation purposes and also for providing irrigation to the adjoining area (Jain, 1991)14.

As recognition of the high position accorded to agriculture by the rulers as well as the people at large, the construction of tanks and other types of reservoirs was considered an act of religious merit. Here the religious merit indicates "the welfare and wellbeing of the society." The Arthashastra mentions that "he (the King) shall construct reservoirs (setu) filled with water, either perennial or drawn from some other source." "Or he may provide sites, roads, timber, and other necessary things to those who construct reservoirs of their own accord." The Arthashastra of Kautilya gives us an idea of the principles and methods of management of irrigation systems. That the Mauryan kings took keen interest in the irrigation schemes is borne out by the report of Megasthenes (a Greek traveler), who mentions a group of officers responsible for supervising the rivers, measuring the land as is done in Egypt, and inspecting the sluices through which the water is released from the main canals into their branches so that everyone may have an equal supply. The Sudarshan lake and Sanchi dam system would have been built on the basis of a sound knowledge of the principles of water balance with detailed hydrological investigations and by "engineers with experience of reservoir irrigation" with a higher level of understanding of hydraulic technology.

Similarly, the Ahar–Pyne system of the Mauryan Empire is an excellent example of a hydraulic structure. The Pynes are constructed as channels to utilize the river water flowing through the hilly regions, whereas the Ahars are catchments with embankments on three sides to store rainwater and the water from the Pynes. The Pynes feed many Ahars, and several distributaries are then constructed from both Pynes and Ahars for irrigating the field. The Ahar–Pyne system also works as a preventive mechanism for floods, as the catchments are designed to store excess rainwater.

Also, Arthashstra mentions Strotayantra, which must have been a kind of hydraulic machine with a wheel and buckets. The term "rahata," which is commonly used for a Persian wheel in India, is mentioned in the Gathasaptashati. In this context, it may be mentioned that symbols on the reverse of some early Andhra coins from Kolhapur have been taken to represent the waterwheels used for irrigation. A Nasik inscription of the same period refers to a guild of odayantrikas, "workers fabricating hydraulic engines." The exact nature of these machines may not be known, but the fact that considerable progress was made in the technology of lift irrigation during the Mauryan and post-Mauryan periods cannot be denied. And this progress was achieved not by the state bureaucrats but by the independent guilds of tank builders and machine makers. Kautilya mentions four different methods of "setting water into motion for the land to be irrigated." It can be believed that the methods were graded by him on the basis of their efficiency. Udghatam might have referred to the method of lifting water from tanks, wells, etc. with the help of a long bamboo balanced on a lever, with a heavy load on one end and a bucket on the other, while strotayantrapravartim referred to a kind of hydraulic machine. The solitary reference to the dam at Junagadh and to a canal in Kalinga are indicative of more stress on tanks and wells, which, on account of the technological progress attained in the lift irrigation system, must have been quite effective (Bhattacharya, 2012)5.

Besides, there is the epigraphic record of Ashoka about the construction of wells at every kos along the roads and the establishment of numerous drinking places. Thus, the existing archaeological evidence suggests that, in the Maurya period and the two centuries succeeding it, wells and especially rings Wells were constructed in sufficient numbers, but how far they were used for purposes of irrigation is not known. The fact that Asoka established drinking places (apana) in addition to wells might indicate that wells were also used for irrigation.

In ancient India, irrigation was conducted by such minor works as wells, tanks, ponds, etc., which did not require either the mobilization of labor on a large scale or a super-powerful bureaucracy to organize and manage them. These works were owned and maintained by local people, individually or collectively. The state enterprise in irrigation was only marginal and largely confined to the settlement of disputes that might arise among neighbors over the distribution of water.

In addition to the Indus-Saraswati and Gangetic valleys, we discovered an advanced level of ancient hydrological management in the Tamilakam region during the Sangam Age (c. 300 BCE–c. 300 CE), which reached its final form during the reign of the imperial Cholas and was continued by the mediaeval Vijayanagara-Nayak dynasties. Tolkappium is regarded as the first text to define the grammatical form of the Tamil language. Poets and bards of this age named these regions based on their hydro-geological characteristics: Kurunji (mountains), Mullai (forest), Marutham (agricultural land), and Neithal (coastal area). The agricultural region known as "Marutham" is associated with rivers, wells, ponds, and tanks. In "Thirukkural," immediately following the first ten couplets discussing the greatness of the world's Creator, the author devotes the next ten couplets to "rain" and demonstrates that rain is essential for the sustenance of life. It can be inferred that irrigated agriculture was practiced in this region of the country during the Sangam period, when the majority of the population pursued the prestigious profession of farming. The Grand Anicut, across the river Cauvery, 16 kilometers east of the city of Tiruchirapalli, is by far the most significant irrigation structure constructed by King Karikala Chola during the second century AD. This "anicut," as it was later dubbed, is truly magnificent in that it is possibly the world's oldest hydraulic structure built on a permeable foundation that is still operational at the head of the Cauvery delta. The amount of water taken from rivers and reservoirs through canals and tanks was, of course, measured in relation to the flow period, with the flow period determining the share of each farmer. Being a river with unreliable water supplies, the Vaigai contains hundreds of tanks in the Madurai and Ramanathapuram districts. These tanks appear to have existed under Pandyan rule and were most likely constructed in stages by the kings and chieftains. These tanks rely on their own catchments, with some receiving additional water from the river. "Madurai Kanci" is a literary work that provides a vivid description of the Pandyan nation during the reign of PandyanNedunchezian. The title also refers to a number of water lifting devices used in tank irrigation. The Sangam classic "Paripadal" contains a poem on the river Vaigai (Poem 20) that describes how the fresh and flooding waters of the river within the Madurai fort swelled up to the height of the city's walls and poured down the fort walls through openings that resembled the pouring of water mixed with blooming flowers by enormous male elephants with their trunks raised in worship. According to the passages in "Paripadal," the river Vaigai was viewed as a mighty river prone to frequent flooding, and several water-heads and sluices were built to control and regulate it. Beginning in the eighth century, Pandyan records reveal an abundance of sluices and river channels constructed around Madurai for irrigation purposes. In the Chera and Noyyil regions, the chiefs took the most initiative, in contrast to the Pandyan and Chola centralized states. ThagadurAdhigaman ruled over portions of the present-day Salem and Dharrnapuri districts and introduced the use of feeding channels for sugarcane cultivation. His virtues have been praised by the Tamil poetess Avvayar. His time period may have occurred around the third century AD (Mohanakrisnan, 2001)21

We also find reference to different types of artificial water storage techniques in epics like the Mahabharata and Ramayana, which, although based on certain historical events from the early 1st millennium BCE, were composed between 200 BCE and 200 AD. In the Ramayana, Kosala is lauded for being adevamatka, i.e., independent of rainfall. In the Mahabharata's Sabhaparva, Narada asks Yudhisthira if the kingdom's reservoirs, lakes, etc. are constructed at the appropriate distances for agricultural purposes. According to Manusmrti (second century A.D.), the king's responsibility is to construct irrigation systems. Additionally, the Dharmasütras of Visnu and Vasistha mention the construction of such works. Various Tirthas are mentioned in the Mahabharata (Anusasanaparvan 25.26), which is entirely devoted to the construction of Tirthas in Marwar. After the significance of irrigation works has been established, the next phase or principle in the management of water is the application of irrigation techniques. The water made accessible through various irrigation works is to be used for a variety of controlled purposes. This is another water management principle. It is to be offered for human consumption. There are references to Prapa in the Mahabharata (Santiparvan) as well. The Mahabharata's thirteenth parvan devotes an entire chapter to the usefulness of jaladana. Water must also be given to animals. A controlled water supply is required for plant growth. Each crop has a unique set of needs that vary during its growth cycle. The literal translation of Kusula (Mahabhaya), however, reveals this regulated water supply. It indicates that each paddy plot was surrounded by a dyke, which served two purposes: water supply regulation and inundation (wash-out) of the next field. Arjuna quenched the thirst of arrow-bed-lying Bhisma by penetrating the ground and creating a spring with his archery skills. This is an example of both controlled water supply and management of etc. for those constructing irrigation- subterranean water works. He also mentions peasant association irrigation work. It is appropriate to mention the interpretation of the Bhagiratha narrative here. His bringing the Ganges to earth is interpreted as diverting the east-flowing (i.e., toward Tibet) Ganges to flow southward using engineering techniques, thereby fertilizing the North Region, Also in Manusmrti, some expiation is prescribed for such an offense. The same passage states that those who do not assist the king when the river is being prepared or the dyke, etc., is being damaged by bandits should be exiled . Although we have very scant archaeological evidence for large scale water works done by the state or any organization during this period due to a lack of exploration and lesser excavation in the densely populated Gangetic plains, in which many ancient sites are still inhabited, one exception is the site of Sringverapura, where exploration and excavation were done on a larger scale (Date,2008)9

Sringaverapura is believed to have derived its name from the sage Rishyasringa, who is thought to have had his asrama (hermitage) here (Lal, 1992)19. The place features again in the Ramayana story, rather prominently, since it was here that Rama was ferried across the Ganga by the local Nishädachieftain, Guha. By the beginning of Period IV, i.e., in the second century B.C., it had reached its maximum extant, as indicated by the fact that remains from that period are practically all over the mound, which was excavated by B.B. Lal, who also found a large tank of monumental scale.

'''The Sringverapura Tank'''

The Sringverapura tank is one of the most spectacular instances of an ancient Indian water tank. It was discovered in Mathura, in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (formerly known as Uttar Pradesh), and was filled with water from the Ganges via a conduit. The Feeding Channel was formed by severing the nullah's banks and redirecting excess water into a specially dug channel. The feeding canal was roughly 11 meters wide at the top but just 3 meters wide at the bottom because of its landing sides. The water from the Feeding Channel entered a silting chamber, which was not in a direct line with the Feeding Channel but to its side, causing the water to lose some of its force before entering the chamber. In addition, the bottom of the silting chamber was approximately higher than the bottom of the feeding channel. This increase in the bottom level prevented a substantial amount of silt and other debris from entering the silting chamber. The water from the silting chamber entered the brick tank, whose several sections are labeled A, B, and C on the design. Before the Inlet Channel, there is a stepped ledge through which water goes from the silting chamber to Tank A. This stepped ledge was quite effective at halting the onslaught of the rushing water. The bottom of the inlet channel was similarly higher than the bottom of the silting chamber. This configuration prevented the silt in the bottom portion of the silting chamber's water column from entering Tank A and lowered the water thrust. Water cascaded down a series of steps, entering a larger area before reaching the ground. Such measures were taken so that the raging river water was calmed before it could even reach the floor of the first sector of the Brick Tank. A vertical wrapping approach with a set of three retaining walls sloping against the natural soil in Tank A This was done to prevent the walls from collapsing under the force of the incoming water. If there had been a single vertical wall as opposed to many sloping and terraced walls, the structure would have been more susceptible to the thrust. In addition, a horizontal wrapping technique was utilized, in which tank A gradually widened as it moved away from the inlet channel. This was done to permit the horizontal distribution of incoming water. Its base dips toward the south, which is opposite the Inlet Channel. The effect was that any remaining silt in the water was transported to the southern bank and permitted to settle there. In the south-east corner, a staircase was installed to periodically remove this silt. During the summer, when the water level would have been lower, it would have been most convenient to perform this task. To ensure that only pure water reached tank B, a linking tunnel was constructed higher than tank A. This portion of the tank complex served as the primary source of drinking water. Tank C, which will be discussed shortly, was smaller and appears to have been utilized for religious purposes as opposed to supplying water. Similar to the top of Tank A, a series of cascading steps, vertical and horizontal wrapping techniques, and a slightly elevated floor were utilized. Regarding the level of water kept in the tank complex, it was dependent on the base level of the Inlet channel, as any excess water over that level would have returned after the flood receded. All of this must have been sufficient for the time from September to June when there was no input. If this ran out, the water in Tank A, which was not as clean as that in Tanks B and C, would have also been used. In this context, it must be mentioned that the water from this tank complex was not intended for the entire town's inhabitants, but only for those who resided nearby. For others, particularly those who lived within a reasonable distance of the river, the river must have remained a convenient source of food. The hydraulic engineers also considered the possibility of evaporation, particularly in the post-winter months beginning in April. So as to overcome the probable scarcity, they devised an alternative device. In the tank's base, they dug wells that connected to the subsoil water. The pressure mechanism indicates that as the water table in the tank dropped, the subsoil-water wells must have become increasingly active. While the provision of sub-soil-water wells in the bed of the tank automatically guarded against water loss through downward seepage, the bricks of the retaining walls were extremely close together, leaving little passage for water, and the natural soil behind these walls was hard and compact, absorbing very little water. Since Tank B was the primary source of water, staircases were installed along its sides at regular intervals to allow people to access the water level and retrieve it. The water entering Tank B was extremely pure. Therefore, no stepping-up mechanism was deemed necessary in the canal connecting Tank B and Tank C. This waterway, unlike the Inlet Channel and Interconnecting Channel, was sufficiently wide and was definitely utilized for water retrieval and related activities, as evidenced by the staircases that fell into it. Tank C stands alone due to its circular design. An intriguing feature is the staircase that began at the then-ground level in the east, wound to the west and south, and fell all the way down with several landings in between. The presence of a considerable number of terracotta figures of gods and goddesses in Tank C, some in the lower deposits but the majority in the detritus, suggests that religious structures once stood nearby. Only parts of the clay statues were available. However, they can be identified as sections of the figures of Kubera, Shiva, and Parvati, among others. It is evident from this collection that Sringaverapura was a genuine religious center. Also, a well-thought-out waste weir was required to release excess water. Regarding the brick tank, Tank C was the final unit. Consequently, the surplus water had to be released via Tank C. Since the river is situated to its south, the river's outflow is organized through its southern portion. There was a set of six channels carved into the natural soil, as well as the remnants of a few bricks indicating their intentional use as overflow routes. It is evident from the preceding that the ancient hydraulic engineers who conceived and built the tank took every effort to assure its safety. This voluminous effort requires a substantial budget, a high level of technical expertise, and administrative oversight. It appears, by a process of elimination, that only a monarch with all his resources could have erected it. Circumstantial evidence suggests that the architect may have been King Dhanadeva of Ayodhya, whose territory included the location of Sringaverapura. Regardless of who constructed it, the Brick Tank unearthed in Sringaverapura is a testament to the expertise of Indian hydraulic engineers two thousand years ago (Lal, 1993)19.

'''Early Medieval and Later Periods: An Overview of Selected Regions'''

Till the 6th century CE, more or less, the image of different sorts of hydraulic techniques and their employment across the subcontinent was identical. In contrast to the second millennium BCE, however, there was no ruralization in the seventh century CE; rather, there was an increase in the number of state formations in both core and periphery regions. This resulted in what many early-modern scholars refer to as the "Third Urbanization." However, the patterns that were developing were distinct. While in Himalayan areas the settlements were tiny and most initiatives were taken by communities, further south the Cholas were solidifying their dominance and some of the major urban centers of their contemporary time were flourishing. While in the dry and semi-arid areas of Gujarat and Rajasthan, Sanskritization led to the emergence of the Rajputs and the foundation of new chiefdoms and kingdoms. This also led to the quest for new sources of legitimacy, one of which was the construction of a watershed management system for the public good. A detailed examination of Tamilakam, the Central Himalayas, and Rajasthan can assist us in better comprehending the divergent pattern.

'''Tamilakam: A Centralized State and Initiatives'''

Among the major eras of South India, the Cholas made an enormous contribution to the management of water for the kingdom's populace. During the reign of the Cholas, effective irrigation facilities were established. According to the amount of land, rules were established for water consumption so that no water is wasted. It was common, when selling or donating property, to specify in the papers which rivers, lakes, and tanks were utilised for irrigation. According to legend, Vira Rajendra Chola was important in establishing banks on both sides of the Cauvery. When it was impossible to create new rivers, the Cholas constructed enormous lakes. From Sendalai inscriptions, we learn that Parantaka sent donations to the Amankudi Jain community for the upkeep of Virasikamani Lake (AllurAlachikkudi). From the inscription, we also learn that Arambavir was given the responsibility of preserving the lake. The majority of the Kaveri River's canals, including the Uyyakondan canal, Rajendran vaykkal, and SembianMahadedegvivaykkal, are part of this system. There was a well established and effective water management system from the village level up. The rise in royal sponsorship and the number of devadana and bramadeya lands elevated the role of temples and village assemblies on the battlefield. Committees such as eri-variyam and totta-variyam were active, as were temples with their great resources of land, personnel, and money. Parantaka Chola established the Viranameri Lake at Kattumannarkoil in the South Arcot area during this time period. Even now, this lake appears to be a vital source of irrigation. In his capital city, Gangaikondacolapuram, Rajendra Chola constructed the massive Solagangam reservoir, which was characterized as "the liquid pillar of triumph." It was equipped with sluices and canals in order to irrigate the land in the surrounding districts. Madurantakam, Sundra-cholapereri, and Kundavai-Pereri are other well-known lakes from this era (named after a Chola queen). Moreover, during the Chola period, a special board was established for the upkeep of lakes across Chola territory, with members receiving wages as fees. Additionally, in order to assist the board and maintain records, officers were selected. They were compensated for their labor. Additionally, they were known as "intermediaries." For one year, they were provided with four nali paddies every day, seven Kalanju gold pieces, and one dhoti. Additionally, tax-free land and supplies were donated as gifts for the upkeep of the lakes. Additionally, a tax called the "ayam" was imposed. Rajaraja I (985–1014 C.E.) constructed several water bodies and made numerous upkeep arrangements for them. He made significant contributions by establishing several committees to examine the wellbeing of the cattle and the advancement of agriculture. Among other things, he emphasized water sharing and harvesting. From Purananuru, we learn that the monarchs who preserved the water sources would also be the people's saviors. Based on this, he constructed the Uyyakkondan canal, which was one of his titles. Thus, water management was carried out with precision. Among the numerous accomplishments of Rajaraja I, the Mayanur canals stood out. Mayanur is located on the Cauvery's southern bank, west of Kulittalai. He constructed a channel at Mayanur to provide irrigation to Palaiyur, Analai, Pulivalam, and Somarasampettai, which were located in the Trichy district on the southern bank of the Cauvery. The channel was extended to Eriyur's location and joined to it. According to the Tiruvalangadu Copper Plates, Rajendra Chola (1012–1044 CE) constructed CholaGangam, also known as Ponneri, next to Gangaikondacholapuram to commemorate his conquest of the Ganges. After he conquered the Ganges, he carried the river's water to the lake. Needed water was transported from Kollidam to Ponneri by a canal named after his father, Rajaraja I. During the Cholas' rule, these laws and regulations were amended, polished, and implemented in the harshest terms. The copper plate inscriptions of Tiruvalankatu, which date back to the sixth year of Rajendra Cholan I's reign (1018 A.D.), are among the greatest instances of water management. The land of the donated village (Devadana village) will be irrigated by canals dug in accordance with the quantity of water allocated from these canals. Others who are not tenants of Devadana properties are prohibited from cutting branches or constructing dams across waterways. Individuals and the government of India had a significant role in arranging irrigation in regions where they were responsible for a significant portion of the country's water requirements. They spent enormous sums of money desilting existing lakes, restoring old ones, and excavating new tanks to provide a consistent water supply for all the canals. Immediately after the building of lakes, several uncultivated regions were cultivated (Selvamani, 2019)28.

'''Himalayan Hinterland’s: Integration of Community and Nature'''

According to their demands, the people of the valley create water harvesting systems and use them for drinking water and irrigation.. In Kedarnath Valley, Dhara is a frequent source of drinking water. Through excavated exits, water from springs or subsurface sources is diverted out. These water sources are marvels of conventional hydraulic engineering. Some kunds have altered elaborate buildings used for bathing and laundry. In mountainous regions, a range of natural and artificial landforms or depressions are employed for glacial water storage and rainwater collection. Vasuki Tal, Chorabari Tal, Deoria Tal, Kanchani Tal, and Nandi Kund are notable lakes, while Chorabari and Panptiya are significant glaciers that were utilized in the construction of different hydraulic community projects. Archaeological findings indicate that terraced agriculture has been practiced for a millennium in the Central Himalaya (Prasad, Chandi & Sharma, 2019)24. Historically, the difficulty of irrigating the terraces was overcome by channeling water from adjacent mountain streams through Kedarnath Valley channels known as kuhls or guhls. There are two sorts of guhls: kachikuhls and pakkikuhls, both of which are constructed by locals using sand, soil, and stone. An insight into Kashmir was given by the Raja Tarangini (Kalhana) (1148 A.D.), which gives an account of the accomplishments of an engineer named Suyya in the realm of Avantivarman. To control the excess flood, he emptied vessels of dinaras into the Vitasta River. He built stone embankments for Vitasta for 7 yojanas; he brought the water of Mahapadma Lake under control. Despite the emergence of incipient imperialism among the Varmans of Kashmir or the Katyuri of the Kumaons, it was the community that contributed most to hydro management.

'''Rajasthan: A Combination of Community and State'''

There are no permanent rivers in Rajasthan; hence, the majority of water-related difficulties are dependent on weather and river changes. There are many traditional water delivery systems, such as nadi, talab, johad, bandha, sagar, and sarovar. Wells are another key source of water. Different types of wells exist in Rajasthan. Nadis are village ponds formed by erecting earthen berms around valleys' natural depressions. The Mewar area is famed for its talabs, and Udaipur is awash with them. The reservoirs come in a variety of sizes and names. These reservoirs offer both potable and agricultural water. In contrast to talabs, tanks have huge masonry walls on all four sides. They are either square or rectangular in shape and have the capacity to retain vast amounts of water. Typically, they are generated as a result of good acts performed to gain punya. Jhalara is synonymous with baoli. The earliest step wells were presumably constructed about 550 A.D. In the eighth and ninth centuries, Sagar, located in the area of Alwar, was formed as a raw lake. It was restored by Maharaja Bhakhtawar Singh Ji in 1813 and is surrounded by twelve red stone canopies. Due to the extreme changes in water supply, step wells were constructed. The Chand Baori in Abhaneri village is one of the most essential step wells in the state of Rajasthan. This stairwell comprises 3,500 stairs that gradually taper. The Raniji-ki Jharla, erected in 1699 by Rani Nathavati Ji, is the greatest example. There are worship areas on each floor of the multi-story structure(Murugesan, Amrithalingam, 2014)22. In Rajasthan, the state routinely used historic Hindu temples as a show of legitimacy by constructing or renovating new community water management works. With the emergence of public water supplies, however, these ancient reservoirs of water have diminished.

'''Sustainability of the Ancient Water Management System in the Modern Period'''

Even after the decline of rich medieval era kingdoms, many hydro management methods persisted over the middle ages and early modern centuries, despite repeated political upheavals caused by power transitions among several kingdoms and empires. In reality, a number of these polities maintained and even improved the medieval water collection infrastructure. In the north, where there existed a network of perennial Himalayan rivers with periodic floods and constant replenishment of groundwater, underground wells and baolis were favored even by the Rajput kings of the barren area. In South India, which had a semi-arid environment and low groundwater levels, a network of tanks, anicuts, and canals was constructed, and historic waterworks were often rebuilt. Continuing the legacy of the imperial Cholas, the Vijaynagara-Naiyaka dynasty adopted hydromanagement practices as one of several means of acquiring legitimacy. However, despite the expanded participation of the state in the building of several big waterworks, the management was often left to local committees and village authorities. Thus, along with corporate and public activities, there was community engagement, which was vital to the durability of these institutions across thousands of years. However, with the entrance of Britons numerous conventional institutions broke down, leading to the virtual elimination of the traditional management of waterworks. This was followed by an even more viscous trend of unplanned urbanization and unsustainable modernity (Agrawal, Narain.1997)1.

'''Discontinuities and Destruction during the Colonial and Modern Period'''

By the nineteenth century, the majority of pre-British patronage and investment networks had been dismantled, thereby eradicating various older water management strategies. In the 1830s, Sir Arthur Cotton and Major Proby Cautley made significant strides in irrigation in Southern India and Northern India, respectively. The East India Company, which by then controlled much of India, saw a huge business opportunity in irrigation and pooled the resources of many different groups. The Grand Anicut at Tanjore and the Jamuna canals in the Delhi area are being restored by a combination of philanthropy and commercial interest. The East Jamuna Canal and the Tamil Nadu canal system, both of which saw expansion and improvement in the 1820s, are the only two notable outliers. The colonial government attempted large-scale irrigation projects in the Deccan region in the hopes of immediate economic gains from water development. The "canal colonies" of Punjab, which were irrigated by a network of canals, are a shining example of successful imperial irrigation policy. Western Punjab's barren lands were transformed into fertile farmland thanks to British engineers' efforts to build a system of interconnecting irrigation canals in the 1880s. By connecting science and the colonial empire in an effort to regulate and commodify nature in order to utilise its productive powers, the history of Punjab 'canal colonies' shed light on the complicated interaction between the state, science, and nature in a colonial environment. Because of this, a massive bureaucratic apparatus was developed to oversee irrigation, which was centralized. Therefore, towards the conclusion of colonial administration, the British had proven that canal irrigation was economically feasible. Scholars like Mason have praised canal irrigation for preventing famines in India, but the performance of Indian agriculture as a result of canal irrigation has been contentious. While some believed that the Bengal famine of 1942, which killed four million people due to a lack of food, could have been avoided if not for the 'unbalanced irrigation development' that prioritized irrigation projects and investment in Punjab, Madras, and the United Provinces.

Thus, it may be stated that colonial rule altered property relationships and took ultimate control through ownership of all resources, including land, water, forests, and minerals, without an understanding of how the irrigation systems functioned. Also, communities were hit hard by a wide variety of taxes, including those on land, water, wells, subsoil, water, canals, etc. Longstanding social bonds and social cohesion were altered as a result of colonization, which shifted the economy from one based on resource collecting and food production to one centered on commodities (Dellapenna and Gupta, 2009)16. The British cleared vast areas of forest for mining coal and lumber and expanding farmland. Forests and communal irrigation systems were acquired by the state over time. Once shared amongst citizens, water is now solely the property of the state. At least since the 1860s, the government has argued that its monopoly on the nation's water supply is an inherent part of its right to exercise complete sovereignty over any and all resources within its borders. As a result, the Canal and Drainage Act of 1873 was passed in the late nineteenth century to exert authority in the public interest by stating that the government had the right to "use and manage for public purposes the water of all rivers and streams running in natural channels, and of all lakes."

By the end of nineteenth century, the majority of pre-British patronage and investment networks had been dismantled, thereby eradicating various older water management strategies. When the British implemented the raiyatwari system in 1886, tanks with a command area of 40 ha or more were given to the public works department (PWD), while smaller tanks were given to local bodies or vested in the people themselves. Because local governments lacked qualified engineers and the duties of water users were unclear, the system of farmers performing maintenance work, known as "kudimaramath” works, gradually deteriorated. Tanks became clogged, and supply and distribution channels also became clogged. The deterioration of the tank irrigation system has been a source of much debate since the mid-nineteenth century. According to the Public Works Commission's report from 1852, there was little voluntary community contribution. The upkeep of the irrigation network was completely neglected, not just on the mainland but also in Sri Lanka, and some of them were destroyed during the colonial period (Cohen and Jankarajan, 2009)7. Unplanned development and uncontrollable urbanization posed an even larger challenge to colonialism, which could be an outcome of the distinct forces of colonialism itself. Some natural and manmade activities are threatening the traditional Himalayan water resources. The main natural culprits are earthquakes and landslides, while water resources are being depleted as a result of all the road widening, hydropower projects, channels, and other development projects. Due to urbanization and industrialization, many water collection systems have fallen into neglect in recent years. Furthermore, the region's unregulated population development and lack of zoning restrictions frequently result in these historic structures being dismantled, neglected, and polluted. Furthermore, sanitation and sewage treatment must be improved and segregated from these systems; potential solutions include enhanced composting and recycling, but none of these systems are currently in place. Even with these resources, though, inaccessibility remains a hurdle. To help replenish the water harvesting system and minimize contamination, the most successful systems frequently have zoning rules or no-build zones. Unfortunately, even in areas where zoning restrictions exist, corruption and bribery can lead to illegal building and exploitation. The establishment of new zoning legislation Aside from these concerns, there is a dearth of knowledge regarding the functional and cultural value of water structures, which, when paired with the short-term financial incentive of unsustainable farming techniques, provides a burden to sustainable restoration.

====== '''Revival of Ancient Techniques: Significance and Solutions''' ======
Traditional water gathering devices have been around for generations. They have evolved by utilizing age-old wisdom and terrain knowledge accumulated over many hundreds of years. There is an urgent need to rejuvenate and revitalize these old systems, which are particularly adapted to the needs of specific places. They also serve important sociological and theological requirements of the people as well as being culturally, historically, and architecturally significant . They meet people's basic water needs, particularly in water-stressed locations like the Thar Desert and the Himalayas. Traditional water resource management is critical to preserving Kedarnath Valley's water supplies during a water crisis. It was also discovered that, despite the numerous advantages of these old gadgets, they are being phased out. There is an urgent need to take strong actions to ensure the successful maintenance and rebirth of this ancient wisdom for water resource development, conservation, and management. Even water sources that are clearly neglected and contaminated have a significant potential for restoration. Revitalization comprises both initial restoration and maintenance; without care, structures can return to their earlier states of neglect. Local organizations have proposed utilizing cultural heritage value or tourism as a secondary incentive for both initial restoration and maintenance. Additionally, increased government engagement in land conservation to minimize pollution was urged. Additionally, increased government engagement in land conservation to minimize pollution was urged. Water is one of the most important natural resources for maintaining life, and it is expected to become critically limited in the future decades due to constant increases in demand, rapid population growth, and the country's increasing economy. Variations in climatic variables, both in space and time, are to blame for India's uneven distribution of precipitation. This unequal distribution of precipitation leads to a highly uneven distribution of available water resources, both in geography and time, resulting in floods and droughts affecting large portions of the country. Flood and drought mitigation need better and more scientific structural and non-structural measures. There is a need to increase water supply while decreasing demand. To increase the availability of water resources, there is a need for better management of current storages as well as the construction of additional storages through the construction of small, medium, and large-sized dams while taking economic, environmental, and social factors into account. The availability of water resources can be increased further by rejuvenating dying lakes, ponds, and tanks and increasing the artificial means of ground-water recharge, which includes the construction of check dams. Check dams and lift irrigation schemes provided options for farmers to cultivate more than one crop per year, boosting their agricultural production and self-sufficiency in food and money. In addition to these efforts, interbasin water transfer is one approach for reducing the excess and deficit basins' difficulties. However, scientific studies must be conducted to determine the technical and economic viability of interbasin water transfer while taking into account environmental, social, and eco-hydrological factors. These are not entirely novel, as they have been tested and refined over thousands of years of Indian history. Dholavira and Sringverpura's sophisticated hydraulic systems were among the first examples of rainwater collection that simultaneously served as a flood prevention system. The Himalayan Kuhls and Guhls, together with numerous kunds and naulas, were an important example of sustainable community water management techniques. The ancient brick wells that formed during the first and second urbanizations were forerunners of the stepped wells (baolis and vavs) that emerged during the third urbanization and were later refined during medieval times in the dry Rajput principalities. While in the extreme south, three crown kingdoms of the Sangam age built a network of tanks, anicuts (dams), and channels, which was later developed by the imperial Cholas and afterwards continued by the Vijayanagara-Nayaka dynasty. Thus, there has been a continuous flow of hydraulic knowledge and tradition among generations of Indians since the origin of hydromanagement during Neolithic times. Despite a temporary halt during the colonial period, we may employ pre-existing historical water works in conjunction with modern technologies to use our water resources efficiently in a future of scarcity.

'''Conclusion'''

Water has been a crucial core factor for Indian civilization since its origin. As we have seen, this is due in part to the many distinct ecological circumstances that our ancient civilization endured, particularly with the commencement of food production approximately nine thousand years ago. The early civilization required a consistent supply of water for their crops, whether by rain or irrigation, and hence emphasized the role of river or rainstorm deities. However, even our earliest human predecessors needed quick access to water, and hence, water myths persisted through their generations, whether hunter-gatherers or agriculturalists (Witzel,2015)31. This is best shown by the importance attached to the Saraswati river, which has been given titles such as ambitame (the best of mothers), naditame (the best of rivers), and devitame (the best of goddesses) . Because of its important role in second urbanization, the divineness was transferred to Ganga once Saraswati dried. Water was and still is a major theme in creation myths and associated rites, emphasizing the strong interaction of mythical traditions with their immediate surroundings. While many of us now may not have the same direct, spiritual relationship with water because we are dependent on our industrial water supply, water is still as vital to us as it was to the Harappans. However, dramatically different during the previous two decades: the collapse of historic water management systems, as well as unregulated industry, urbanization, and climate change. India sustains one-sixth of the world's population on one-fiftieth of the world's territory and one-fiftieth of the world's water resources. To avoid a catastrophe, we must seek solutions that are technically practicable, commercially viable, socially acceptable, and environmentally sound. Water consumption, in turn, has an influence on water quality; consequently, its use must not contribute to the degradation of water quality, which may jeopardize its future availability. The integrated and coordinated development of surface water and groundwater resources, as well as their joint usage, should be planned for from the start of a project and be an intrinsic element of its execution. There is a need for appropriate management of ground-water resources, which now need suitable inputs such as labor, financial resources, technology, and so on. Improving public water supply, using energy pricing and supply to manage agricultural groundwater draught, increasing rainwater harvesting and groundwater recharge, transferring surface water in lieu of groundwater pumping, increasing economic growth and reducing reliance on agriculture, and formalizing the water sector are some of the important measures that may be implemented for the sustainable development of groundwater resources.

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Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam

2023-10-08T09:31:12Z

Anishg: References

Authored by Prerona Baruah

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam'''

Srimanta Sankardeva (1449-1596) was the harbinger of the greatest socio-cultural and political revolution in the north eastern state of Assam. The Bhakti movement that engulfed many parts of the country got a headstart in Assam through the teachings of this saint. Though he was on the same platform as the Bhakti saints of India in other parts of the country such as Kabir, Nanak, Mirabai et al., he is probably the least known of the Bhakti reformers of the then fifteenth century India. His disciples, the most notable of which is Madhavdev, continued his work of uniting people on the basis of love and devotion to one God. Prior to the coming of Srimanta Sankardeva on the scene, there was a decay in the Assamese social and religious domain. Tantrism had caught on like fire in the state, where devotion to God was equivalent to animal and even human sacrifices and other evil practices. Moreover, all castes and especially the marginalized tribes of the region, were never considered on par when it came to even worshipping the various deities. His Eka-sarana-naam-Dharma brought in a new sense of worship and individual’s love for God was to be realized through his or her inner devotion. The usage of local languages in connecting to God was also emphasized upon, which reduced the patronage of the Brahmins. The ease of access to God is what made Sankardeva’s religion being taken up by a majority of the population. Even today, his Neo-Vaishnavism has many takers across the state, with Satras being established as the places of worship and cultural renaissance everywhere.

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism'''

Saktism and Tantrikism along with “pseudo-Buddhistic culture” were the predominating religion of ancient Kamarupa. Kamakhya was the centre of Tantrik culture and its fame spread all over India. At that time study of religion was confined to the so-called superior learned sections of the society, that is, the Brahmanas or Brahmins. Neo-Vaisnavism as propounded by Sankaradeva differed a good deal from the earlier system based on Tantrikism (Acharyya, 1959).

At the time of the advent of Sankardeva the whole of Assam was divided among the Bhuyans, Ahorns, Koches, Kacharis, Jaintias, Chutias and Magas. The Bhuyans had disputes with the ruling dynasty, the Ahoms, as well as against others. The period saw a large influx of the Shan peoples into Assam. Though subsequently these were absorbed by the Hindu culture of Assam, they retained many of their own customs and habits at the time. There were repeated Muslim invasions from Bengal which proved disastrous to the culture and progress of Assam. Moreover, Naras of Upper Burma attacked time and again, which negatively impacted the development of the state (Acharyya, 1959).

According to the official website of BarpetaSatra, Srimanta Sankardeva utilised the form of Krishna to preach devotion to a single God (eka sarana), who can be worshiped just by uttering His various names (‘naam’ in Assamese). Eka-sharana-naam-dharma was based on four main pillars—deva (God), naam (Prayers), bhokots (Devotees), and guru (Mentor). However, unlike the other Bhakti streams of the era, “eka sarana” follows the “dasya” attitude, which means being a slave to God. When a devotee completely surrenders his or her mind, body and ego in the feet of omnipotent Lord Krishna, then it is called as Eksarana (Borah, 2015).

According to Maheswar Neog, “The Bhagavata-purana, the Bhagavad-gita and the ‘Sahasra-nama’ section of the Padma-purana might be the sources from which the Mahapurusha took inspiration to introduce the core elements of his neo-vaishnavism, namely, the congregation of followers, praying to one god, and singing holy songs in the name of god. The symbol of this renaissance was the establishment of the “Naamghar”. It can be defined as a place of worship where followers of Sankardeva chant mantras and sing songs, along with some beating drums in order to be closer to God. These songs, known as Borgeet, were composed by the then child prodigy Sankardeva. The other songs were mostly composed by his favorite disciple, Madhavdeva (1489-1596).

Madhavdeva was the successor of the great saint. However, the sakta follower Madhavdeva had first come into contact with the Vaishnavite Sankardeva through a debate that changed the former’s views on life and religion forever. Madhavdeva consequently initiated into eka-sarana-naam-dharma, thus gaining Sankardeva a lifelong companion and a devoted student. Madhavdeva, following his teacher’s footsteps, wrote some of the greatest works in Assamese such as Naamgosha and Bhakti Ratnavali, along with borgeets. Both of them laid the foundations of Assamese society and culture.

Sankardeva was not only a great social reformer, he has contributed to the Assamese culture, language, literature, music and society as a whole, without having a parallel in the history of Assam. As the “doyen of cultural renaissance” and “harbinger of Bhakti Movement”, Sankardeva took on the orthodox elements of the society and introduced cultural forms like Bhaonas and Borgeet et al., which had consequently defined our Assamese identity. With its dynamic philosophy of inclusiveness, Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism has given birth to a new “Cultural Nationalism” based on a national identity underlined by cultural traditions and language, not on the concept of common ancestry or race (Rahman, 2015).

Thorough reformation and organisation of the society and moral upliftment of Assam has been achieved through the activities pursued in the Sastras. The social order and tone es by his influence is traditionally coming down from generation to generation. Sankardeva’s neo-Vaishnavism has the core elements of all religions. The principles of Ahimsa now universally acknowledged as the best form of faith is deeply rooted in the teachings of Sankaradeva. The broadness of his teachings makes a common platform for all humanity. Thus in the spiritual field equality of men - a desideratum long overdue, took place ushering a new era of peace and progress in human conduct (Acharyya, 1959).

According to him, all devotees are equal in the eyes of God. Everyone was welcome in his satras, irrespective of caste or religion. For this reason, he established Vaishnavite monasteries known as Satras. All the followers of this new religion would congregate and chant names along with the beating of drums. Each Satra has a naamghar (prayer hall) and is headed by a Satradhikar. Bhokots or monks are inducted at a very young age. Satras also got donations in land or money from the kings, though they were self-sufficient. Satras started gaining a lot of influence in the Assamese society and soon, a large section of the Assamese was affiliated to one satra or the other. Throughout the ages, Satras have been successful in maintaining the cultural elements of the movement introduced by Sankardeva in their “pristine purity”. Satras have “relentlessly encouraged the arts and craft, like dance, drama, music, book-illustration and the making of decorative objects for the beautification of the Satra interiors- the Satriya Architecture” (Borkakoti, 2006).

'''Political Role of the Satras'''

The Ahoms, who migrated from upper Burma, became the rulers soon after they came to Assam in 1228 AD. They were Hinduized as a result of the expansion of the Ahoms towards the western side of the Brahmaputra valley, which was engulfed in Sanskritic customs and traditions (Sharma, 1996).

Srimanta Sankardeva is the major link between the two kingdoms of Koches and the Ahoms, which were ruling in medieval Assam. The spread of neo-Vaishnavism in the 16th century took place in the form of initiation, which greatly alarmed the Brahmin priests. Shaktism was the predominant religion during this time, being adopted and widely practised by the kings and queens of the Ahom dynasty. Shaktism was highlighted by animal and human sacrifices and indulging in caste hierarchies among the common people. Moreover, the poor also suffered disproportionately in the sacrifices. Thus, Sankardeva’s religion brought in a new wave of equality, brotherhood and freedom to love and devote oneself to God in a personalised way. Initially, the relations between the Ahom kings and Sankardeva were smooth. It was during Ahom King Suhungmung’s rule, who was the first in the dynasty to adopt the Hindu title of Swarganarayan, that the relations between Sankardeva and the Brahmins reached a new low.

Their differences and the consequent dispute went out of control to such an extent that Sankardeva had to leave the Ahom kingdom along with his family, as a member of his family was executed on flimsy grounds. They safely reached the Koch kingdom, but the same thing happened there as well due to the Koch king Naranarayan coming under the influence of the priestly class. However, the king’s brother, the brave Chilarai tried to mediate between the two sides. Later, Naranarayan was so taken by Sankardeva’s religion and his all-encompassing thought and philosophy that he requested the guru to initiate him. However, since he was a king and foreseeing the political consequences of his actions, Sankardeva did not bring him into the neo-Vaishnavite movement (Gait, 1926).

In the Assamese society, a Vaishnava Satra comprises a large assembly or a huge hall for congregation (prayer hall) which is known as “Kirtanghar”. A “namghar” is supported by the two rows of pillars. By and large, Satras are situated on quadrangles secured by dividers or walls. Every fundamental Satra is unique in terms of a “manikuta”, “namghar” and two or four lines of “hatis” or elephants. In a Satra, the entrance, which is prompting the inside by a little house, is called “batchara” or “korapat”. The focusing round the namghar and the manikuta of the Satra exist four or two rows of private huts proposed for administrative devotees, also known as “Bhaktas” (Das and Saikia, 2020). There are numerous Satras which are situated in Assam, for example, Auniati, Kamalabari, Dakshinpat, Barpeta, Patbausi (near Barpeta, one of old Satra of Sankardeva's time). One of the important Satra is Sundaridia, which got the royal patronage from Koch and Ahom kings (Neog, 1988).

The neo-Vaishnavite sect in Assam was based on a wide network of the Satras, each headed by an abbot, who is the guru. Each Satra encompasses a number of villages. Each village had its own community prayer-hall or “namghar” for diving deep into religious discourses and also conducting village meetings. Gradually, the Satras were granted massive land endowments, paiks and other precious gifts from the ruling class and became very powerful feudal institutions. In time, with the rise and spread of Satras all over Assam, ideological differences slowly raised their head. As a result, some did upheld Vedic rites and rituals, idol worship and “spiritual superiority” of the Brahmins while some totally rejected these in their Satras. The non-conformist Satras, especially the Moamoria “seira” provided the organisational basis to one of the bloodiest peasant revolts in the history of Assam, the Moamoria Rebellion, where the exploited peasants and “paiks” turned against the ruling class. state. The Moamorias shook from its foundation the once powerful Ahom empire, which ultimately led to the usurpation of state power by the rebels. Such was the strength of the ordinary peasants that to regain power from them, the Ahom monarch had to take the help of the British. The chaos which the Moamoria rebellion created impeded the growth of feudalism which was in a process of development in Assam. All the above mentioned factors as well as the internal conflicts within the Ahom dynasty led to the occupation of Assam by the Burmese from 1818 to 1824. The Burmese had to be finally ousted by the British, who ruled Assam till India got independence in 1947 (Sharma, 1996).

Till today, the political role of the Satras in Assam, especially during elections, cannot be ruled out. Politicians dole out money and grants in order to influence voters as most are affiliated to one Satra or the other. Emergence of Sankardeva Sangha in Assam in the 20 century as opposition to predominance of neo-Vaishnavism and doing away with the Brahminical and exploitative and evil practices is juxtaposed with the authority the Satras carry concerning the Assamese society. The juxtaposition of religion with politics can also be understood by analysing the politics of “Sangha” and it also highlights how different groups try to portray themselves as the true representatives of the movement (Bora, 2017).

Since a huge chunk of the Assamese population still hold Satras as the epitome of their pilgrimage, Satras work as a sacred thread that binds different sections of the population together, such as lower castes, marginalised tribes, women et al., who hitherto hardly figured as equals in the earlier streams of Hinduism that engulfed Assam. Moreover, Satras have played a significant role in creating a united Assam that hinges on the ideals of universal brotherhood, humanism and peaceful coexistence. All the above shows how throughout history, Satras have had a significant role in shaping the polity of Assam. Even now, politicians visit Satras, give them various grants and show reverence to the Satradhikars.

'''Relevance of Sankardeva’s philosophy for India and the world'''

Srimanta Sankardeva understood the need to recognise all religions as equal for the betterment of Assamese society. For him, devotion to one God could uplift any individual. The places of worship, such as Satras and the namghar, became the source of knowledge about the other realm for the common people. Assam, at present, has many vulnerabilities. Each ethnic group is emerging with its own group identity. In such a time, there is a need to re-propagate and spread the “principles of Gurujana.” Sankardeva felt that religious unity helps in reconciling and uniting society. This is the reason why he preached 'Eka-sarana-naam-dharma'. This religion has all the principles of education: “Justice, morality, non-violence, abolition of untouchability, spirituality, abstinence from evil, social service. He sought to educate human beings in the spirit of God, by uplifting the body and soul through the vision of God, freeing them from the aggression of the bodily reptiles, and nurturing them with spiritual knowledge. According to him, non-violence is the path to be followed in order to create a stable and peaceful order” (Deka and Barman, 2021).

Srimanta Sankardeva was born in an era when few people could even look out of the lens of religion, politics and wars. He introduced the idea of equality into the then unequal medieval Assamese society. Srimanta Sankardeva thus stood for a united Assam by including all kinds of devotees and followers, whether rich or poor, high caste or outcaste, Hindu or Muslim, and even the marginalised tribes of Assam. Everyone had a place in Sankardeva’s movement. Through his Eka-sharana-naam-dharma, Srimanta Sankardeva could end the evil and exploitative practice associated with Saktism and tantrikism such as animal sacrifices. Neo-Vaishnavism taught the common people to love one another and love god without the help of any anyone in between and to consider everyone as equal, thus democratising the realm of religion and instilling humanism.

“Gurujana” was much more than a saint. He could write, sing, compose, play instruments, philosophise and the like. The neo-Vaishnava devotional movement, which spread throughout India in the 14th and 15th centuries AD, had a far-reaching effect on Assam at that time. In Assam, it was originally led by Sankardev “Gurujana.” He was accompanied by Madhava Deva. 'Manikanchan Sanjog' is the term used to depict the fusion of the minds of the duo. The beginning was a new horizon (Deka and Barman, 2021).

His neo-Vaishnavism exudes humanism. His belief in equality of all men, in fact, is a concept that has seen the light in the modern period. That it comes from a saint from the medieval age speaks volumes about his foresightedness and broadmindedness. Sankardeva as a proponent of unity in diversity has a lot of relevance today in Assam where people are still engaged in identifiers such as tribals and non-tribals, upper Assam and lower Assam, rich and poor, low castes and high castes et al. His adherence to human values is a beacon of hope to all those who strive to create a more equal world filled with love, universal brotherhood and peace. The world community, which has just seen people dying and homes disappear in matter of seconds through the ongoing Ukraine War, needs to inculcate the ideals of humanism more so ever than in the past.

'''References'''

1. Acharyya, N. N. (1959). An Enquiry into the Religious Concept of Sri Sri Sankaradeva. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, pp 477-482.

2. BarpetaSatra. https://barpetasatra.org/about-srimanta-sankardeva/srimanta-sankardev/

3. Bora, S. (2017). Recurrence of neo-Vaishnava Faith: Emergence of Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha in Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 53-68.

4. Borah, B. (2015). Sankaradeva and the Neo-Vaisnavite Movement in Assam: A Philosophy. https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/206365?mode=full

5. Borkakoti, S. K. (2006). Unique contribution of SrimantaSankardeva in Religion and Culture. Srimanta Sankardeva Sangha Nagoan.

6. Das, D., & Saikia, C. R. (2020). Neo-Vaishnavism Movement of Srimanta Sankardeva in Assam: Its Socio-Cultural Imprints. International Journal of Management, pp 1395-1399. http://www.iaeme.com/IJM/issues.asp?JType=IJM&VType=11&IType=10

7. Deka, D. K., & Barman, S. (2021). Teaching of Sankardeva: Its Relevance in Modern Assamese Society. Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry (TOJQI), pp 5189- 5194.

8. Gait, E. (1926). A History of Assam. EBH Publishers.

9. Neog, M. (1988). The Contribution of the Sankardeva Movement to the Culture and Civilization of India. Forum for Sankardeva Studies.

10. Rahman, M. S. (2015). Role of Satra& Namghar in the Evolution of Genesis of Assamese Identity. International Journal of Social Sciences and Management, pp 108–113. https://doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v2i2.12143

11. Sharma, C. K. (1996). Socio-Economic Structure and Peasant Revolt: The Case of Moamoria Upsurge in the Eighteenth Century Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 33- 52.

Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam

2023-10-08T09:23:35Z

Anishg: References

Authored by Prerona Baruah

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam'''

Srimanta Sankardeva (1449-1596) was the harbinger of the greatest socio-cultural and political revolution in the north eastern state of Assam. The Bhakti movement that engulfed many parts of the country got a headstart in Assam through the teachings of this saint. Though he was on the same platform as the Bhakti saints of India in other parts of the country such as Kabir, Nanak, Mirabai et al., he is probably the least known of the Bhakti reformers of the then fifteenth century India. His disciples, the most notable of which is Madhavdev, continued his work of uniting people on the basis of love and devotion to one God. Prior to the coming of Srimanta Sankardeva on the scene, there was a decay in the Assamese social and religious domain. Tantrism had caught on like fire in the state, where devotion to God was equivalent to animal and even human sacrifices and other evil practices. Moreover, all castes and especially the marginalized tribes of the region, were never considered on par when it came to even worshipping the various deities. His Eka-sarana-naam-Dharma brought in a new sense of worship and individual’s love for God was to be realized through his or her inner devotion. The usage of local languages in connecting to God was also emphasized upon, which reduced the patronage of the Brahmins. The ease of access to God is what made Sankardeva’s religion being taken up by a majority of the population. Even today, his Neo-Vaishnavism has many takers across the state, with Satras being established as the places of worship and cultural renaissance everywhere.

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism'''

Saktism and Tantrikism along with “pseudo-Buddhistic culture” were the predominating religion of ancient Kamarupa. Kamakhya was the centre of Tantrik culture and its fame spread all over India. At that time study of religion was confined to the so-called superior learned sections of the society, that is, the Brahmanas or Brahmins. Neo-Vaisnavism as propounded by Sankaradeva differed a good deal from the earlier system based on Tantrikism (Acharyya, 1959).

At the time of the advent of Sankardeva the whole of Assam was divided among the Bhuyans, Ahorns, Koches, Kacharis, Jaintias, Chutias and Magas. The Bhuyans had disputes with the ruling dynasty, the Ahoms, as well as against others. The period saw a large influx of the Shan peoples into Assam. Though subsequently these were absorbed by the Hindu culture of Assam, they retained many of their own customs and habits at the time. There were repeated Muslim invasions from Bengal which proved disastrous to the culture and progress of Assam. Moreover, Naras of Upper Burma attacked time and again, which negatively impacted the development of the state (Acharyya, 1959).

According to the official website of BarpetaSatra, Srimanta Sankardeva utilised the form of Krishna to preach devotion to a single God (eka sarana), who can be worshiped just by uttering His various names (‘naam’ in Assamese). Eka-sharana-naam-dharma was based on four main pillars—deva (God), naam (Prayers), bhokots (Devotees), and guru (Mentor). However, unlike the other Bhakti streams of the era, “eka sarana” follows the “dasya” attitude, which means being a slave to God. When a devotee completely surrenders his or her mind, body and ego in the feet of omnipotent Lord Krishna, then it is called as Eksarana (Borah, 2015).

According to Maheswar Neog, “The Bhagavata-purana, the Bhagavad-gita and the ‘Sahasra-nama’ section of the Padma-purana might be the sources from which the Mahapurusha took inspiration to introduce the core elements of his neo-vaishnavism, namely, the congregation of followers, praying to one god, and singing holy songs in the name of god. The symbol of this renaissance was the establishment of the “Naamghar”. It can be defined as a place of worship where followers of Sankardeva chant mantras and sing songs, along with some beating drums in order to be closer to God. These songs, known as Borgeet, were composed by the then child prodigy Sankardeva. The other songs were mostly composed by his favorite disciple, Madhavdeva (1489-1596).

Madhavdeva was the successor of the great saint. However, the sakta follower Madhavdeva had first come into contact with the Vaishnavite Sankardeva through a debate that changed the former’s views on life and religion forever. Madhavdeva consequently initiated into eka-sarana-naam-dharma, thus gaining Sankardeva a lifelong companion and a devoted student. Madhavdeva, following his teacher’s footsteps, wrote some of the greatest works in Assamese such as Naamgosha and Bhakti Ratnavali, along with borgeets. Both of them laid the foundations of Assamese society and culture.

Sankardeva was not only a great social reformer, he has contributed to the Assamese culture, language, literature, music and society as a whole, without having a parallel in the history of Assam. As the “doyen of cultural renaissance” and “harbinger of Bhakti Movement”, Sankardeva took on the orthodox elements of the society and introduced cultural forms like Bhaonas and Borgeet et al., which had consequently defined our Assamese identity. With its dynamic philosophy of inclusiveness, Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism has given birth to a new “Cultural Nationalism” based on a national identity underlined by cultural traditions and language, not on the concept of common ancestry or race (Rahman, 2015).

Thorough reformation and organisation of the society and moral upliftment of Assam has been achieved through the activities pursued in the Sastras. The social order and tone es by his influence is traditionally coming down from generation to generation. Sankardeva’s neo-Vaishnavism has the core elements of all religions. The principles of Ahimsa now universally acknowledged as the best form of faith is deeply rooted in the teachings of Sankaradeva. The broadness of his teachings makes a common platform for all humanity. Thus in the spiritual field equality of men - a desideratum long overdue, took place ushering a new era of peace and progress in human conduct (Acharyya, 1959).

According to him, all devotees are equal in the eyes of God. Everyone was welcome in his satras, irrespective of caste or religion. For this reason, he established Vaishnavite monasteries known as Satras. All the followers of this new religion would congregate and chant names along with the beating of drums. Each Satra has a naamghar (prayer hall) and is headed by a Satradhikar. Bhokots or monks are inducted at a very young age. Satras also got donations in land or money from the kings, though they were self-sufficient. Satras started gaining a lot of influence in the Assamese society and soon, a large section of the Assamese was affiliated to one satra or the other. Throughout the ages, Satras have been successful in maintaining the cultural elements of the movement introduced by Sankardeva in their “pristine purity”. Satras have “relentlessly encouraged the arts and craft, like dance, drama, music, book-illustration and the making of decorative objects for the beautification of the Satra interiors- the Satriya Architecture” (Borkakoti, 2006).

'''Political Role of the Satras'''

The Ahoms, who migrated from upper Burma, became the rulers soon after they came to Assam in 1228 AD. They were Hinduized as a result of the expansion of the Ahoms towards the western side of the Brahmaputra valley, which was engulfed in Sanskritic customs and traditions (Sharma, 1996).

Srimanta Sankardeva is the major link between the two kingdoms of Koches and the Ahoms, which were ruling in medieval Assam. The spread of neo-Vaishnavism in the 16th century took place in the form of initiation, which greatly alarmed the Brahmin priests. Shaktism was the predominant religion during this time, being adopted and widely practised by the kings and queens of the Ahom dynasty. Shaktism was highlighted by animal and human sacrifices and indulging in caste hierarchies among the common people. Moreover, the poor also suffered disproportionately in the sacrifices. Thus, Sankardeva’s religion brought in a new wave of equality, brotherhood and freedom to love and devote oneself to God in a personalised way. Initially, the relations between the Ahom kings and Sankardeva were smooth. It was during Ahom King Suhungmung’s rule, who was the first in the dynasty to adopt the Hindu title of Swarganarayan, that the relations between Sankardeva and the Brahmins reached a new low.

Their differences and the consequent dispute went out of control to such an extent that Sankardeva had to leave the Ahom kingdom along with his family, as a member of his family was executed on flimsy grounds. They safely reached the Koch kingdom, but the same thing happened there as well due to the Koch king Naranarayan coming under the influence of the priestly class. However, the king’s brother, the brave Chilarai tried to mediate between the two sides. Later, Naranarayan was so taken by Sankardeva’s religion and his all-encompassing thought and philosophy that he requested the guru to initiate him. However, since he was a king and foreseeing the political consequences of his actions, Sankardeva did not bring him into the neo-Vaishnavite movement (Gait, 1926).

In the Assamese society, a Vaishnava Satra comprises a large assembly or a huge hall for congregation (prayer hall) which is known as “Kirtanghar”. A “namghar” is supported by the two rows of pillars. By and large, Satras are situated on quadrangles secured by dividers or walls. Every fundamental Satra is unique in terms of a “manikuta”, “namghar” and two or four lines of “hatis” or elephants. In a Satra, the entrance, which is prompting the inside by a little house, is called “batchara” or “korapat”. The focusing round the namghar and the manikuta of the Satra exist four or two rows of private huts proposed for administrative devotees, also known as “Bhaktas” (Das and Saikia, 2020). There are numerous Satras which are situated in Assam, for example, Auniati, Kamalabari, Dakshinpat, Barpeta, Patbausi (near Barpeta, one of old Satra of Sankardeva's time). One of the important Satra is Sundaridia, which got the royal patronage from Koch and Ahom kings (Neog, 1988).

The neo-Vaishnavite sect in Assam was based on a wide network of the Satras, each headed by an abbot, who is the guru. Each Satra encompasses a number of villages. Each village had its own community prayer-hall or “namghar” for diving deep into religious discourses and also conducting village meetings. Gradually, the Satras were granted massive land endowments, paiks and other precious gifts from the ruling class and became very powerful feudal institutions. In time, with the rise and spread of Satras all over Assam, ideological differences slowly raised their head. As a result, some did upheld Vedic rites and rituals, idol worship and “spiritual superiority” of the Brahmins while some totally rejected these in their Satras. The non-conformist Satras, especially the Moamoria “seira” provided the organisational basis to one of the bloodiest peasant revolts in the history of Assam, the Moamoria Rebellion, where the exploited peasants and “paiks” turned against the ruling class. state. The Moamorias shook from its foundation the once powerful Ahom empire, which ultimately led to the usurpation of state power by the rebels. Such was the strength of the ordinary peasants that to regain power from them, the Ahom monarch had to take the help of the British. The chaos which the Moamoria rebellion created impeded the growth of feudalism which was in a process of development in Assam. All the above mentioned factors as well as the internal conflicts within the Ahom dynasty led to the occupation of Assam by the Burmese from 1818 to 1824. The Burmese had to be finally ousted by the British, who ruled Assam till India got independence in 1947 (Sharma, 1996).

Till today, the political role of the Satras in Assam, especially during elections, cannot be ruled out. Politicians dole out money and grants in order to influence voters as most are affiliated to one Satra or the other. Emergence of Sankardeva Sangha in Assam in the 20 century as opposition to predominance of neo-Vaishnavism and doing away with the Brahminical and exploitative and evil practices is juxtaposed with the authority the Satras carry concerning the Assamese society. The juxtaposition of religion with politics can also be understood by analysing the politics of “Sangha” and it also highlights how different groups try to portray themselves as the true representatives of the movement (Bora, 2017).

Since a huge chunk of the Assamese population still hold Satras as the epitome of their pilgrimage, Satras work as a sacred thread that binds different sections of the population together, such as lower castes, marginalised tribes, women et al., who hitherto hardly figured as equals in the earlier streams of Hinduism that engulfed Assam. Moreover, Satras have played a significant role in creating a united Assam that hinges on the ideals of universal brotherhood, humanism and peaceful coexistence. All the above shows how throughout history, Satras have had a significant role in shaping the polity of Assam. Even now, politicians visit Satras, give them various grants and show reverence to the Satradhikars.

'''Relevance of Sankardeva’s philosophy for India and the world'''Srimanta Sankardeva understood the need to recognise all religions as equal for the betterment of Assamese society. For him, devotion to one God could uplift any individual. The places of worship, such as Satras and the namghar, became the source of knowledge about the other realm for the common people. Assam, at present, has many vulnerabilities. Each ethnic group is emerging with its own group identity. In such a time, there is a need to re-propagate and spread the “principles of Gurujana.” Sankardeva felt that religious unity helps in reconciling and uniting society. This is the reason why he preached 'Eka-sarana-naam-dharma'. This religion has all the principles of education: “Justice, morality, non-violence, abolition of untouchability, spirituality, abstinence from evil, social service. He sought to educate human beings in the spirit of God, by uplifting the body and soul through the vision of God, freeing them from the aggression of the bodily reptiles, and nurturing them with spiritual knowledge. According to him, non-violence is the path to be followed in order to create a stable and peaceful order” (Deka and Barman, 2021).

Srimanta Sankardeva was born in an era when few people could even look out of the lens of religion, politics and wars. He introduced the idea of equality into the then unequal medieval Assamese society. Srimanta Sankardeva thus stood for a united Assam by including all kinds of devotees and followers, whether rich or poor, high caste or outcaste, Hindu or Muslim, and even the marginalised tribes of Assam. Everyone had a place in Sankardeva’s movement. Through his Eka-sharana-naam-dharma, Srimanta Sankardeva could end the evil and exploitative practice associated with Saktism and tantrikism such as animal sacrifices. Neo-Vaishnavism taught the common people to love one another and love god without the help of any anyone in between and to consider everyone as equal, thus democratising the realm of religion and instilling humanism.

“Gurujana” was much more than a saint. He could write, sing, compose, play instruments, philosophise and the like. The neo-Vaishnava devotional movement, which spread throughout India in the 14th and 15th centuries AD, had a far-reaching effect on Assam at that time. In Assam, it was originally led by Sankardev “Gurujana.” He was accompanied by Madhava Deva. 'Manikanchan Sanjog' is the term used to depict the fusion of the minds of the duo. The beginning was a new horizon (Deka and Barman, 2021).

His neo-Vaishnavism exudes humanism. His belief in equality of all men, in fact, is a concept that has seen the light in the modern period. That it comes from a saint from the medieval age speaks volumes about his foresightedness and broadmindedness. Sankardeva as a proponent of unity in diversity has a lot of relevance today in Assam where people are still engaged in identifiers such as tribals and non-tribals, upper Assam and lower Assam, rich and poor, low castes and high castes et al. His adherence to human values is a beacon of hope to all those who strive to create a more equal world filled with love, universal brotherhood and peace. The world community, which has just seen people dying and homes disappear in matter of seconds through the ongoing Ukraine War, needs to inculcate the ideals of humanism more so ever than in the past.

'''References'''

1. Acharyya, N. N. (1959). An Enquiry into the Religious Concept of Sri Sri Sankaradeva. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, pp 477-482.

2. BarpetaSatra. https://barpetasatra.org/about-srimanta-sankardeva/srimanta-sankardev/

3. Bora, S. (2017). Recurrence of neo-Vaishnava Faith: Emergence of Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha in Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 53-68.

4. Borah, B. (2015). Sankaradeva and the Neo-Vaisnavite Movement in Assam: A Philosophy. https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/206365?mode=full

5. Borkakoti, S. K. (2006). Unique contribution of SrimantaSankardeva in Religion and Culture. Srimanta Sankardeva Sangha Nagoan.

6. Das, D., & Saikia, C. R. (2020). Neo-Vaishnavism Movement of Srimanta Sankardeva in Assam: Its Socio-Cultural Imprints. International Journal of Management, pp 1395-1399. http://www.iaeme.com/IJM/issues.asp?JType=IJM&VType=11&IType=10

7. Deka, D. K., & Barman, S. (2021). Teaching of Sankardeva: Its Relevance in Modern Assamese Society. Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry (TOJQI), pp 5189- 5194.

8. Gait, E. (1926). A History of Assam. EBH Publishers.

9. Neog, M. (1988). The Contribution of the Sankardeva Movement to the Culture and Civilization of India. Forum for Sankardeva Studies.

10. Rahman, M. S. (2015). Role of Satra& Namghar in the Evolution of Genesis of Assamese Identity. International Journal of Social Sciences and Management, pp 108–113. https://doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v2i2.12143

11. Sharma, C. K. (1996). Socio-Economic Structure and Peasant Revolt: The Case of Moamoria Upsurge in the Eighteenth Century Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 33- 52.

Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam

2023-10-08T09:21:13Z

Anishg: Srimanta Sankardeva, a lesser-known Bhakti reformer of 15th-century India, played a pivotal role in a socio-cultural and political revolution in Assam. Before his teachings, the region was dominated by Tantrism and divisive religious practices. Sankardeva's Neo-Vaishnavism emphasized devotion to one God, using local languages in worship, and welcomed people from all castes and backgrounds. He established Satras as places of worship and cultural renewal.

Authored by Prerona Baruah

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism: Socio-Cultural Revolution and Political Role of the Satras in Assam'''

Srimanta Sankardeva (1449-1596) was the harbinger of the greatest socio-cultural and political revolution in the north eastern state of Assam. The Bhakti movement that engulfed many parts of the country got a headstart in Assam through the teachings of this saint. Though he was on the same platform as the Bhakti saints of India in other parts of the country such as Kabir, Nanak, Mirabai et al., he is probably the least known of the Bhakti reformers of the then fifteenth century India. His disciples, the most notable of which is Madhavdev, continued his work of uniting people on the basis of love and devotion to one God. Prior to the coming of Srimanta Sankardeva on the scene, there was a decay in the Assamese social and religious domain. Tantrism had caught on like fire in the state, where devotion to God was equivalent to animal and even human sacrifices and other evil practices. Moreover, all castes and especially the marginalized tribes of the region, were never considered on par when it came to even worshipping the various deities. His Eka-sarana-naam-Dharma brought in a new sense of worship and individual’s love for God was to be realized through his or her inner devotion. The usage of local languages in connecting to God was also emphasized upon, which reduced the patronage of the Brahmins. The ease of access to God is what made Sankardeva’s religion being taken up by a majority of the population. Even today, his Neo-Vaishnavism has many takers across the state, with Satras being established as the places of worship and cultural renaissance everywhere.

'''Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism'''Saktism and Tantrikism along with “pseudo-Buddhistic culture” were the predominating religion of ancient Kamarupa. Kamakhya was the centre of Tantrik culture and its fame spread all over India. At that time study of religion was confined to the so-called superior learned sections of the society, that is, the Brahmanas or Brahmins. Neo-Vaisnavism as propounded by Sankaradeva differed a good deal from the earlier system based on Tantrikism (Acharyya, 1959).

At the time of the advent of Sankardeva the whole of Assam was divided among the Bhuyans, Ahorns, Koches, Kacharis, Jaintias, Chutias and Magas. The Bhuyans had disputes with the ruling dynasty, the Ahoms, as well as against others. The period saw a large influx of the Shan peoples into Assam. Though subsequently these were absorbed by the Hindu culture of Assam, they retained many of their own customs and habits at the time. There were repeated Muslim invasions from Bengal which proved disastrous to the culture and progress of Assam. Moreover, Naras of Upper Burma attacked time and again, which negatively impacted the development of the state (Acharyya, 1959).

According to the official website of BarpetaSatra, Srimanta Sankardeva utilised the form of Krishna to preach devotion to a single God (eka sarana), who can be worshiped just by uttering His various names (‘naam’ in Assamese). Eka-sharana-naam-dharma was based on four main pillars—deva (God), naam (Prayers), bhokots (Devotees), and guru (Mentor). However, unlike the other Bhakti streams of the era, “eka sarana” follows the “dasya” attitude, which means being a slave to God. When a devotee completely surrenders his or her mind, body and ego in the feet of omnipotent Lord Krishna, then it is called as Eksarana (Borah, 2015).

According to Maheswar Neog, “The Bhagavata-purana, the Bhagavad-gita and the ‘Sahasra-nama’ section of the Padma-purana might be the sources from which the Mahapurusha took inspiration to introduce the core elements of his neo-vaishnavism, namely, the congregation of followers, praying to one god, and singing holy songs in the name of god. The symbol of this renaissance was the establishment of the “Naamghar”. It can be defined as a place of worship where followers of Sankardeva chant mantras and sing songs, along with some beating drums in order to be closer to God. These songs, known as Borgeet, were composed by the then child prodigy Sankardeva. The other songs were mostly composed by his favorite disciple, Madhavdeva (1489-1596).

Madhavdeva was the successor of the great saint. However, the sakta follower Madhavdeva had first come into contact with the Vaishnavite Sankardeva through a debate that changed the former’s views on life and religion forever. Madhavdeva consequently initiated into eka-sarana-naam-dharma, thus gaining Sankardeva a lifelong companion and a devoted student. Madhavdeva, following his teacher’s footsteps, wrote some of the greatest works in Assamese such as Naamgosha and Bhakti Ratnavali, along with borgeets. Both of them laid the foundations of Assamese society and culture.

Sankardeva was not only a great social reformer, he has contributed to the Assamese culture, language, literature, music and society as a whole, without having a parallel in the history of Assam. As the “doyen of cultural renaissance” and “harbinger of Bhakti Movement”, Sankardeva took on the orthodox elements of the society and introduced cultural forms like Bhaonas and Borgeet et al., which had consequently defined our Assamese identity. With its dynamic philosophy of inclusiveness, Sankardeva’s Neo-Vaishnavism has given birth to a new “Cultural Nationalism” based on a national identity underlined by cultural traditions and language, not on the concept of common ancestry or race (Rahman, 2015).

Thorough reformation and organisation of the society and moral upliftment of Assam has been achieved through the activities pursued in the Sastras. The social order and tone es by his influence is traditionally coming down from generation to generation. Sankardeva’s neo-Vaishnavism has the core elements of all religions. The principles of Ahimsa now universally acknowledged as the best form of faith is deeply rooted in the teachings of Sankaradeva. The broadness of his teachings makes a common platform for all humanity. Thus in the spiritual field equality of men - a desideratum long overdue, took place ushering a new era of peace and progress in human conduct (Acharyya, 1959).

According to him, all devotees are equal in the eyes of God. Everyone was welcome in his satras, irrespective of caste or religion. For this reason, he established Vaishnavite monasteries known as Satras. All the followers of this new religion would congregate and chant names along with the beating of drums. Each Satra has a naamghar (prayer hall) and is headed by a Satradhikar. Bhokots or monks are inducted at a very young age. Satras also got donations in land or money from the kings, though they were self-sufficient. Satras started gaining a lot of influence in the Assamese society and soon, a large section of the Assamese was affiliated to one satra or the other. Throughout the ages, Satras have been successful in maintaining the cultural elements of the movement introduced by Sankardeva in their “pristine purity”. Satras have “relentlessly encouraged the arts and craft, like dance, drama, music, book-illustration and the making of decorative objects for the beautification of the Satra interiors- the Satriya Architecture” (Borkakoti, 2006).

'''Political Role of the Satras'''

The Ahoms, who migrated from upper Burma, became the rulers soon after they came to Assam in 1228 AD. They were Hinduized as a result of the expansion of the Ahoms towards the western side of the Brahmaputra valley, which was engulfed in Sanskritic customs and traditions (Sharma, 1996).

Srimanta Sankardeva is the major link between the two kingdoms of Koches and the Ahoms, which were ruling in medieval Assam. The spread of neo-Vaishnavism in the 16th century took place in the form of initiation, which greatly alarmed the Brahmin priests. Shaktism was the predominant religion during this time, being adopted and widely practised by the kings and queens of the Ahom dynasty. Shaktism was highlighted by animal and human sacrifices and indulging in caste hierarchies among the common people. Moreover, the poor also suffered disproportionately in the sacrifices. Thus, Sankardeva’s religion brought in a new wave of equality, brotherhood and freedom to love and devote oneself to God in a personalised way. Initially, the relations between the Ahom kings and Sankardeva were smooth. It was during Ahom King Suhungmung’s rule, who was the first in the dynasty to adopt the Hindu title of Swarganarayan, that the relations between Sankardeva and the Brahmins reached a new low.

Their differences and the consequent dispute went out of control to such an extent that Sankardeva had to leave the Ahom kingdom along with his family, as a member of his family was executed on flimsy grounds. They safely reached the Koch kingdom, but the same thing happened there as well due to the Koch king Naranarayan coming under the influence of the priestly class. However, the king’s brother, the brave Chilarai tried to mediate between the two sides. Later, Naranarayan was so taken by Sankardeva’s religion and his all-encompassing thought and philosophy that he requested the guru to initiate him. However, since he was a king and foreseeing the political consequences of his actions, Sankardeva did not bring him into the neo-Vaishnavite movement (Gait, 1926).

In the Assamese society, a Vaishnava Satra comprises a large assembly or a huge hall for congregation (prayer hall) which is known as “Kirtanghar”. A “namghar” is supported by the two rows of pillars. By and large, Satras are situated on quadrangles secured by dividers or walls. Every fundamental Satra is unique in terms of a “manikuta”, “namghar” and two or four lines of “hatis” or elephants. In a Satra, the entrance, which is prompting the inside by a little house, is called “batchara” or “korapat”. The focusing round the namghar and the manikuta of the Satra exist four or two rows of private huts proposed for administrative devotees, also known as “Bhaktas” (Das and Saikia, 2020). There are numerous Satras which are situated in Assam, for example, Auniati, Kamalabari, Dakshinpat, Barpeta, Patbausi (near Barpeta, one of old Satra of Sankardeva's time). One of the important Satra is Sundaridia, which got the royal patronage from Koch and Ahom kings (Neog, 1988).

The neo-Vaishnavite sect in Assam was based on a wide network of the Satras, each headed by an abbot, who is the guru. Each Satra encompasses a number of villages. Each village had its own community prayer-hall or “namghar” for diving deep into religious discourses and also conducting village meetings. Gradually, the Satras were granted massive land endowments, paiks and other precious gifts from the ruling class and became very powerful feudal institutions. In time, with the rise and spread of Satras all over Assam, ideological differences slowly raised their head. As a result, some did upheld Vedic rites and rituals, idol worship and “spiritual superiority” of the Brahmins while some totally rejected these in their Satras. The non-conformist Satras, especially the Moamoria “seira” provided the organisational basis to one of the bloodiest peasant revolts in the history of Assam, the Moamoria Rebellion, where the exploited peasants and “paiks” turned against the ruling class. state. The Moamorias shook from its foundation the once powerful Ahom empire, which ultimately led to the usurpation of state power by the rebels. Such was the strength of the ordinary peasants that to regain power from them, the Ahom monarch had to take the help of the British. The chaos which the Moamoria rebellion created impeded the growth of feudalism which was in a process of development in Assam. All the above mentioned factors as well as the internal conflicts within the Ahom dynasty led to the occupation of Assam by the Burmese from 1818 to 1824. The Burmese had to be finally ousted by the British, who ruled Assam till India got independence in 1947 (Sharma, 1996).

Till today, the political role of the Satras in Assam, especially during elections, cannot be ruled out. Politicians dole out money and grants in order to influence voters as most are affiliated to one Satra or the other. Emergence of Sankardeva Sangha in Assam in the 20 century as opposition to predominance of neo-Vaishnavism and doing away with the Brahminical and exploitative and evil practices is juxtaposed with the authority the Satras carry concerning the Assamese society. The juxtaposition of religion with politics can also be understood by analysing the politics of “Sangha” and it also highlights how different groups try to portray themselves as the true representatives of the movement (Bora, 2017).

Since a huge chunk of the Assamese population still hold Satras as the epitome of their pilgrimage, Satras work as a sacred thread that binds different sections of the population together, such as lower castes, marginalised tribes, women et al., who hitherto hardly figured as equals in the earlier streams of Hinduism that engulfed Assam. Moreover, Satras have played a significant role in creating a united Assam that hinges on the ideals of universal brotherhood, humanism and peaceful coexistence. All the above shows how throughout history, Satras have had a significant role in shaping the polity of Assam. Even now, politicians visit Satras, give them various grants and show reverence to the Satradhikars.

'''Relevance of Sankardeva’s philosophy for India and the world'''Srimanta Sankardeva understood the need to recognise all religions as equal for the betterment of Assamese society. For him, devotion to one God could uplift any individual. The places of worship, such as Satras and the namghar, became the source of knowledge about the other realm for the common people. Assam, at present, has many vulnerabilities. Each ethnic group is emerging with its own group identity. In such a time, there is a need to re-propagate and spread the “principles of Gurujana.” Sankardeva felt that religious unity helps in reconciling and uniting society. This is the reason why he preached 'Eka-sarana-naam-dharma'. This religion has all the principles of education: “Justice, morality, non-violence, abolition of untouchability, spirituality, abstinence from evil, social service. He sought to educate human beings in the spirit of God, by uplifting the body and soul through the vision of God, freeing them from the aggression of the bodily reptiles, and nurturing them with spiritual knowledge. According to him, non-violence is the path to be followed in order to create a stable and peaceful order” (Deka and Barman, 2021).

Srimanta Sankardeva was born in an era when few people could even look out of the lens of religion, politics and wars. He introduced the idea of equality into the then unequal medieval Assamese society. Srimanta Sankardeva thus stood for a united Assam by including all kinds of devotees and followers, whether rich or poor, high caste or outcaste, Hindu or Muslim, and even the marginalised tribes of Assam. Everyone had a place in Sankardeva’s movement. Through his Eka-sharana-naam-dharma, Srimanta Sankardeva could end the evil and exploitative practice associated with Saktism and tantrikism such as animal sacrifices. Neo-Vaishnavism taught the common people to love one another and love god without the help of any anyone in between and to consider everyone as equal, thus democratising the realm of religion and instilling humanism.

“Gurujana” was much more than a saint. He could write, sing, compose, play instruments, philosophise and the like. The neo-Vaishnava devotional movement, which spread throughout India in the 14th and 15th centuries AD, had a far-reaching effect on Assam at that time. In Assam, it was originally led by Sankardev “Gurujana.” He was accompanied by Madhava Deva. 'Manikanchan Sanjog' is the term used to depict the fusion of the minds of the duo. The beginning was a new horizon (Deka and Barman, 2021).

His neo-Vaishnavism exudes humanism. His belief in equality of all men, in fact, is a concept that has seen the light in the modern period. That it comes from a saint from the medieval age speaks volumes about his foresightedness and broadmindedness. Sankardeva as a proponent of unity in diversity has a lot of relevance today in Assam where people are still engaged in identifiers such as tribals and non-tribals, upper Assam and lower Assam, rich and poor, low castes and high castes et al. His adherence to human values is a beacon of hope to all those who strive to create a more equal world filled with love, universal brotherhood and peace. The world community, which has just seen people dying and homes disappear in matter of seconds through the ongoing Ukraine War, needs to inculcate the ideals of humanism more so ever than in the past.

'''References'''

1. Acharyya, N. N. (1959). An Enquiry into the Religious Concept of Sri Sri Sankaradeva. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, pp 477-482.

2. BarpetaSatra. <nowiki>https://barpetasatra.org/about-srimanta-sankardeva/srimanta-sankardev/</nowiki>

3. Bora, S. (2017). Recurrence of neo-Vaishnava Faith: Emergence of Srimanta Sankaradeva Sangha in Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 53-68.

4. Borah, B. (2015). Sankaradeva and the Neo-Vaisnavite Movement in Assam: A Philosophy. <nowiki>https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/handle/10603/206365?mode=full</nowiki>

5. Borkakoti, S. K. (2006). Unique contribution of SrimantaSankardeva in Religion and Culture. Srimanta Sankardeva Sangha Nagoan.

6. Das, D., & Saikia, C. R. (2020). Neo-Vaishnavism Movement of Srimanta Sankardeva in Assam: Its Socio-Cultural Imprints. International Journal of Management, pp 1395-1399. <nowiki>http://www.iaeme.com/IJM/issues.asp?JType=IJM&VType=11&IType=10</nowiki>

7. Deka, D. K., & Barman, S. (2021). Teaching of Sankardeva: Its Relevance in Modern Assamese Society. Turkish Online Journal of Qualitative Inquiry (TOJQI), pp 5189- 5194.

8. Gait, E. (1926). A History of Assam. EBH Publishers.

9. Neog, M. (1988). The Contribution of the Sankardeva Movement to the Culture and Civilization of India. Forum for Sankardeva Studies.

10. Rahman, M. S. (2015). Role of Satra& Namghar in the Evolution of Genesis of Assamese Identity. International Journal of Social Sciences and Management, pp 108–113. <nowiki>https://doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v2i2.12143</nowiki>

11. Sharma, C. K. (1996). Socio-Economic Structure and Peasant Revolt: The Case of Moamoria Upsurge in the Eighteenth Century Assam. Indian Anthropologist, pp 33- 52.

Notion of Sacred as Manifested in Hindu Temple Architecture and Iconography

2023-10-07T08:52:09Z

Anishg: references

Authored by Anirudh Naveen

== Notion of Sacred as Manifested in Hindu Temple Architecture and Iconography ==
The sacred sphere is intimate to human experience, as it helps imagine a transcendental universe beyond mundane material concerns. The demarcation of sacred space is a product of man’s eternal search for meaning. While any human being is generally predisposed towards the spiritual path, spiritual choices are frequently conditioned by social and political contexts. In India, the most characteristic expression of this quest for spiritual meaning can be noticed in its vibrant temple culture. Every year, millions of devotees from across the subcontinent throng to shrines and undertake exhaustive pilgrimages to fulfill spiritual ambitions, nurtured over lifetimes. This tradition of visiting temples and obtaining ‘''darsan’'' of the deity has been an integral part of communal life in India for centuries. Temples are perhaps the most compelling embodiments of sacred spheres, but it is important to place them in their cosmological, philosophical and historical contexts, which is precisely where this article seeks to intervene.

The act of worshipping in a shrine carries profound spiritual significance, as the austere confines of these structures conceal a lot of sanctifying energies. Such experiences invite attention to a couple of pivotal questions: What is this sacred energy that abounds in a temple and how is the structure of a temple responsible for diffusing it? While examining the nature of this energy merits scientific analysis (beyond the purview of the author’s knowledge), this paper attempts to investigate the second part of the question. In other words, how do temples reflect the spiritual impulse of devotees, and how did ''shilpins'' (architects) from ancient India meticulously embed philosophical ideas into brick and mortar? Even a casual survey of temples across the subcontinent would reveal that notwithstanding the multiplicity of temple styles, there are certain underlying principles that govern the form these temples eventually acquire.

This paper will closely scrutinise the features responsible for shaping the sacred character of temples, as expressed in architecture and iconography. It will do so by examining the philosophical and spiritual basis of structural features, including some references to temple culture and sculptural symbolism. Temples and deities will not be treated as isolated entities but as ‘texts’ requiring careful scrutiny in order to unpack the layers of meaning embedded in them. References from vastu-shastras like ''Mayamatam'' and ''Manasara'' shall be provided to underline the way sectarian traditions overlapped with architectural developments to manifest sacredness. Given the bewildering diversity of temples found across the subcontinent, a case study from the Malaprabha Valley of Karnataka shall also be provided. The site of Pattadakal has been consciously chosen owing to the variety of temple styles and iconographic influences that can be observed over here.

=== '''Hindu Temple as a Sacred Space: Textual and Structural Evolution''' ===
Before foraying into the sacred character of Hindu temples, it would help to briefly trace the evolution of temples in ancient India and the way this got reflected in literary traditions. The Vedas reveal a deep-seated fascination with cosmic speculation, and endorse the performance of sacrifices to maintain cosmic balance (Hamilton, 2001)1. In the Vedic age, the bricks of a sacrificial altar were also arranged such that they formed an orthogonal frame. The rationale behind any ''yajna'' was to call upon devas like Indra, Mitra, Varuna to maintain order in the material world, and these deities in turn corresponded with natural elements. This was later consolidated philosophically by the Upanishads which stressed on the unity of the individual (''atman'') and cosmos (or macrocosm, i.e.''brahman''). Therefore, it is reasonable to suppose that sacrificial altars subliminally functioned as sacred spaces in the Vedic period, before the advent of temples in the subcontinent.

Traditional literature dealing with architecture and iconography are generally classed under the rubric of ''silpasastra'' or ''vastu''-''shastra''. Some ''vastusastras'' are encyclopedic in nature while others like ''Mayamatam'' and ''Manasara'' function like technical manuals for training artisans and craftsmen (Bafna, 1999)2. Scholars have generally argued that texts such as the ''vastu''-''shastras'' codified existing architectural traditions. Indeed, most of these texts reflect a regional imprint, i.e, they embody regional structures and practices, implying that they simply systematized earlier traditions.

Royal interest in architecture can be surmised from works such as the ''Samaranganasutradhara'' and the ''Manasollasa,'' attributed to Paramara Bhoja and Someshwara Chalukya respectively. The corpus of literature dealing with architecture is rather extensive, and fragments of such information can be gleaned from a variety of genres within Sanskrit literature.These include the ''Matsya Purana'' and ''Vishnudharmottara Purana'', the latter being a text devoted to art and painting, but containing some sections of architecture.

Devotional cults associated with worship of Shiva and Vishnu provided an impetus for construction of formal temples from the sixth and seventh century onwards. Consequently, texts called ''agamas'' were composed in classical Sanskrit to codify traditions already in vogue. ''Agamic'' literature is heavily sectarian in character and can broadly be divided into ''Shaiva'', ''Vaishnava'' and ''Shakta'' canons. These texts were composed in order to establish the cultic status of the temple, prescribe the mode of worship and also determine the nature of structural expansion of temples (Rao, 1989)17. The material used was to correspond with the importance of the temple in popular imagination. For instance, those considered the best were to be built in stone (''silamaya'') while wood (''daru'') was to be used for inferior temples. The ''Kamikagama'', associated with the Shaiva canon, elaborates on various components of a temple (in the context of south India) including its ''adishthana'' (base), ''gala'' (quadrangular mouldings) and the ''sikhara'' (spherical tower). Mandapas or roofed pavilions were to be attached to the sanctum, in order to function as ‘limbs’ of the temple. The surrounding wall of a temple, known as ''prakara'', is also given a lot of significance in the ''agamas''. The ''Manasara'' mentions how ''prakaras'' give strength (''bala'') to the temple, adds charm to its structure (''shobha'') and also provides resolute defense (''rakshana'') (Rao, 1989)17. The usage of anatomical terms to describe various parts of a temple- such as feet, neck and head- have led scholars to emphasize upon the “organic unity in temple architecture” (Deva, 1969, p.1)7.

==== '''Diagrams, Temples and the Cosmos''' ====
Diagrams are the most powerful mediums through which the sacred character of any landscape is expressed in the Hindu tradition. Whether humble sanctuaries or large complexes, all temples are built in the scheme of ritual diagrams known as ''mandalas''. Geometrical figures like points, circles and triangles are accorded special symbolic meaning in the ''vastu shastras''as they represent the energies of the cosmos. A point (''bindu'') is seen as the source of all creation, while a circle represents the cyclic principle of life, devoid of a starting and finishing point. The square grid though is employed extensively in sacred construction because it represents the manifest territorial world that needs to be transcended. (Khanna, 1979: 33)13

These diagrams are a product of India’s philosophical paradigm that collapses all distinctions between man, God and the cosmos. As pointed out by Prof. Kirti Trivedi, Hindu philosophy considers the cosmos to be holonomic, wherein each fragment is believed to be a whole unto itself. In other words, different parts of a temple are not treated in isolation, but considered to represent the entire cosmos in a “microcosmic capsule” (Trivedi, 1989, p. 245)22. ''Samkhya'' philosophy, one of the six orthodox philosophical schools of India, proposes this correspondence between the microcosm and macrocosm. Meanwhile, ''Vedanta'' also stresses on the divinity that pervades the human body. The maxims ‘''Ahambrahmasmi’'' or ''‘Tattvam Asi’'' reveal a non-dualistic principle that humans are indistinguishable from the cosmos. These propositions which exemplify nature as a manifestation of divinity, and human body in turn as a representation of the cosmos, impinge themselves on the form of temples. As shall be illustrated later in the section on iconography, such philosophical ideas also permeate the sculptural and spatial character of temples in India. ''Vastu-shastras'' therefore emphasise that the planning of towns, cities and other sacred spaces are supposed to be undertaken by duplicating the cosmic form which is usually based on a square ''mandala''.

Before the construction of a temple, the ground is levelled because it embodies the extent of the manifested universe. This levelled space is meant to evoke peace and harmony, as opposed to the chaos that prevails in the temporal world. The origins of this concept can be traced to the ''Satapatha Brahmana'', where it is stated that for any temple to be built, the earth should be even, it being the starting point for spiritual ascent (Kramrisch, 1946)14. In order to fulfill these requirements, a temple diagram is laid out on level ground. ''Purusha'' (cosmic man) is deemed to be the instrumental cause of the world, whose sacrifice helped in the creation of this world. There are several legends describing how the troublesome ''vastu purusha'' was pacified by Lord Brahma and laid low to restore harmony in the household. The whole building, consequently, is considered to be a likeness of the ''purusha''. In the ''Mayamatam'', the ''Vastupurusha'' is described as crooked, hump-backed, lying flat on the ground with head facing the east. The body of the ''vastu-purusha'' has a number of sensitive points called ''marmas'' and the well-being of the building can only be ensured upon confirming the well-being of the ''vastu-purusha.'' If not ‘sorrows innumerable will fall upon the limbs of the owner of the house’ (Dagens, 1994, p. 49)6. Stella Kramrisch calls the mandala as a “forecast of the temple”, suggesting that the surrounding ravines, streets or towns are linked with the structure of the universe through the ''vastu-purusha mandala (''Kramrisch, 1946, p.7'')14.'' The temple derives its sanctity from the ''Vastu-purusha'', who resides in the base and transforms the universal principle (''vastu''-''mandala'') into a structure that is the likeness of ''purusha''. Moreover, these patterns are employed by architects not just for delineating sacred spaces but also for town planning, suggesting their wider temporal significance.

By the ninth century, ''Tantric'' concepts also began permeating temple architecture across the subcontinent, greatly diversifying the sacred formulae and symbolism employed in temple worship. ''Tantrism'' revived the use of mystical symbols, as a result of which diagrams known as ''yantras'' soon became an integral part of ''sadhana''. In ''Tantric'' tradition, the word ''mandala'' refers to an enclosed space where deities are invited through mantras. ''Yantra'' literally means to sustain, hold or support the energy present in any element, object or a concept, and is often used interchangeably with ''mandala'' (Khanna, 1979)13. While the word is conventionally used to refer to mechanical equipment, tantrism endows it with spiritual significance. Therefore, ''yantras'' as geometrical patterns can be seen as tools to facilitate meditation and increased awareness. While the ''mandala'' has cosmic significance, ''yantra'' only manifests a “specific aspect of cosmic power”, such as the representation of a deity (Trivedi, 1989, p. 246)22. The ''Sri chakra'' is considered to be the greatest of all yantras, and believers of ''Shakti'' accord it with a lot of importance.

Analysing such technical diagrams like the ''mandala'' and the ''yantra'' may seem like an obfuscating and even pointless academic exercise, but if examined carefully, they perform the formative task of indicating the unity of all existence, a hallmark of Indian spiritual thought. The Upanishads and all major Vedantic texts emphasise on cosmic unity underlying the physical diversity of the world. A cyclical perspective to life is deeply embedded in Indian philosophical traditions, as the cosmos is considered to expand in circles and subsequently contract into one single principle. The goal of life in such a paradigm is to intuit the oneness of all creation because all actions of man eventually result in his returning to a single point, which is the site for the genesis and sublimation of all existence.

====== '''Image Worship and Symbolism''' ======
India is an overwhelmingly visual culture, and from the earliest times, images have constituted an integral part of the lives of people from the subcontinent. Images form the basis for innumerable devotional practices that constitute Hinduism and further consolidate the sacredness of the Indian landscape. In other words, desire for ''darshan'' of the divine image lies at the heart of temple worship in India (Eck, 1998)9.

The most distinctive feature of image worship in India is that it is not just visible in shrines or temples, but is enmeshed with the lived experiences of its people. Huge temple complexes are negligible in comparison to small shrines and sacred groves that dominate the subcontinent. Elements of nature like stones, bricks and flowers are endowed with ritual significance, and sometimes even saints are made objects of veneration. Anonymous wayside shrines dot urban landscapes, without necessarily conforming to temple-building rules as laid down in the ''vastu-shastras'' (Bharne, 2012)4. Furthermore in the contemporary world, icons of Gods are found in diverse settings such as taxis, tea-stalls and sweet shops attesting to the omnipresent nature of divinity that informs modern notions of the sacred.

This practice of worshipping an external image is principally rooted in Vedic philosophy that stresses on the importance of concentrating the mind on an object to attain eternal bliss and harmony. Panini refers to images as ‘''pratikriti’'' or anything made after the original. Yaska in his ''Nirukta''(etymology) too refers to Gods as resembling men, especially in their capacity to undertake intellectual activities (Rao, 1914)18. Thus, the quest for worshipping deities clearly ante-dates the composition of the Puranas. Various iconic and aniconic traditions of image-making have prevailed from Vedic times.[1]The emergence of new devotional traditions contributed to structural expansion of temples across India. Temples became far more elaborate and also began reflecting more pronounced sectarian connotations from the sixth century onwards. This is when the images of gods and goddesses got divided into pantheons such as ''Vaishnava'' and ''Shaiva'', with the ''shakti'' cult too developing in the course of time. Two examples of aniconic stones are the ''Salagrama'' stone (for ''Vishnu'') and the ''bana-linga'' (for ''Shiva'').

The ''Salagramas'' are flinted ammonite shells found in rivers, generally in a round and polished form. The ''varaha purana'' narrates a legend where the river-goddess of Gandaki requested Vishnu to take birth in her womb, and the Lord appeared in the form of ''salagramas''. Each ''Salagrama'' has a hole through which several grooves are visible, resembling the chakra of Vishnu. These are considered to represent discus of Vishnu and therefore, the stone is called ‘''svarupa’'' or the natural form of Vishnu. This is what lends the stone a sacred character for Vaishnavas as well as Vaidik Saivites (Rao, 1914)18.

''Bana-lingas'' are representations of Shiva in his ''svayambhu'' or self-born form. The ''linga'' mostly consists of quarts and egg-shaped pebbles. These are said to be found in holy sites like Amareshwara, near the Mahendra mountains (Rao, 1914)18. These ''lingas'' have two parts- the vertical stone-shaft which is the male component and the circular horizontal base known as the ''yoni'' or the ''pani-pitha.'' These do not really correspond with sex organs, but rather embody a confluence of male and female principles. Linga is considered to be the static principle which takes the form of an egg (''anda-rupa'') to convey Lord Shiva’s status as being devoid of attributes. On the contrary, ''yoni''r represents the kinetic field of creation which generates movement, change and expansion. While ''Shiva'' is a “silent seer of all phenomena”, “''Shakti'' is the phenomenon itself” (Khanna, 1979, p.67)13. In other words, all creation is contingent on the creative play (''lila)'' of these two forces, and their very distinction ensures equilibrium in the temporal world (Khanna, 1979)13. ''Lingas'' are found in ''Shiva'' temples across the subcontinent, and their association with architecture shall be elucidated later in this paper.

====== '''Consecration''' ======

Rites of consecration ascertain the separation of the sacred space from its mundane surroundings. Once consecrated, even a small stone, tree or an object can acquire spiritual significance. Texts prescribe that the ''shilpin'' (architect) must also undergo ritual purification to ensure that the images produced are resplendent with attributes. Once an image is created, special rites of consecration are performed in stages. First, the image is purified using a variety of substances like ''ghee'', honey and grass. These substances ensure that the qualities of the image are as clear as possible. Further, priests are entrusted with the responsibility of touching various deities supposed to be located in different parts of the image. For instance, ''Brahman'' is seated in the chest and ''Surya'' in the eyes. Thus, special rites are performed to manifest the attributes of deities that inhabit any image. Finally, ''prana''(life) is infused into the image in the central site. This essentially endows the image with breathing power, and also establishes its association with the site. ''Yajamanas'' or ritually purified priests perform this highly significant ritual of the ''prana-pratishta''. Moreover, to complete the creation of the image, they also pry open its eyes, that are previously sealed with a coat of honey and ghee. This procedure is performed with the help of a golden needle. The eyes of a deity are of utmost importance to a devotee, who looks into them while praying to the Almighty (Eck, 1998)9.

These rites endow the deity with human qualities, and the very term ‘''prana’'' illustrates how human qualities are bestowed upon the deity. This ties in with an earlier reference to anatomical terms being used to describe different parts of temples, again reflecting the erasure of differences between human beings and God. Therefore, all procedures involved in the consecration of the deity in any temple are oriented towards manifesting its sacred qualities so that the ''darshan'' of the deity can be made meaningful.

====== '''Structure of Temples and Circumambulation''' ======
A temple is considered to be the architectural likeness of a mountain, as texts frequently compare it with Mount Meru or other sacred mountains in the Hindu paradigm. Himalayan peaks are held in high esteem in Hindu cosmology because they are considered to be the abode of several gods including Meru and Kailasa (Deva, 1969)7. A typical north Indian temple consists of a number of mandapas leading up the tallest spire- the ''shikhara''- located directly above the sanctum sanctorum. These temples also have a crowning ring-stone on top known as the ''amalaka'' or the sun-disk, symbolising the celestial world. The sculptural exuberance of temples- with figurines of human beings, animals and natural beauty- mirrors a mountain bustling with activity.

However, even mountains (especially those in the Himalayas) have quaint and isolated sites like caves which are conducive for meditation and spiritual activities. To that extent, the sanctum sanctorum of the temple is like a cave, as it is always dimly lit and unlike the temple exterior, its walls do not pulsate with activity. In other words, the interiors of any temple direct the attention of a devotee to the source of all life in the cosmos. This is also known as the ''Brahma-sthana'' of the mandala or the temple-plan. Rituals mentioned earlier not only consolidate the identity of any deity as a manifestation of God, but also as the space from where the cosmic process begins (Trivedi, 1989)22. This is precisely why the sanctum sanctorum of temples is known as the ''garbha-griha'' or the womb-chamber. Here, the deity is like a seed that germinates inside the womb and the ''garbhadhana'' (seed-laying) ceremony is supposed to be performed by a priest in the middle of the night before active worship begins. The invisible axis joining the centre of the sanctum to the finial of the superstructure is “conceived as the cosmic axis connecting earth and heaven” (Desai, 2000, p. 19)8. In this manner, the temple directs a devotee’s eyes and mind from this world to the world above, in order to foreground the linkages between the cosmos and the temple.

This comparison with mountains extends to the practice of circumambulation which any devotee is supposed to perform upon entering a temple. While every temple is associated with one chief deity, there are other gods and goddesses sculpted on niches or placed around the ''garbha-griha''. Thus, before entering the interior of a temple, a devotee circumambulates it to internalize the entire gamut of worldly creation embedded on its walls. Large temples also have an inner ambulatory around the sanctum, which needs to be traversed before a devotee receives darshan. This ritual is also replete with symbolism as it reflects a devotee’s journey from worldly plenitude to the solitude of the temple interiors. On that account, the circumambulation of a temple amounts to circumambulation of the cosmos (Eck, 1998)9. Therefore, a visit to the temple is considered to be no less than a pilgrimage, as a devotee is taken on a spiritual journey to facilitate self-realisation and fulfillment of spiritual goals.

====== '''Sacred Character of Temples in Pattadakal''' ======

The period between the 6th and the 8th centuries AD was one of frenzied construction activity in the land below the Vindhyas. By the 7th century, the Chalukyas of Badami had politically unified large parts of the Deccan, and erected a number of temples in the Malaprabha Valley of present-day Karnataka. The sites of Badami and Aihole reflect formative stages of architectural development, but early western Chalukyan architecture reached its climax at Pattadakal. This is a complex of eight temples, all of them consecrated to Lord Shiva. This complex is a UNESCO World Heritage site, chiefly because it integrates the three major temple building styles found across the subcontinent. Moreover, a survey of structures over here reveals a synthesis of religious ideas, royal initiative and local architectural traditions.[1]

The construction of these temples around the seventh century AD coincided with the crystallization of northern and southern stylistic repertoires. Until this period, temples generally had simple forms and sculptural motifs carved with great technical virtuosity. Although there were certain unifying characteristics that underlined the sacred character of temples in India, regional differences became more pronounced with the passage of time. Northern or Nagara temples began displaying a cruciform plan along with a curvilinear ''shikhara'' while Southern or Dravida temples were soon marked by a pyramidal ''shikhara'', consisting of progressively smaller stories leading to a dome. George Michelle shows how temples reflect a great deal of “stylistic confusion and overlapping”, as the precise nature of temple styles have been shaped by historical events as much as by geography (Michell, 1977, p. 86)15. This became all the more revealing during times of political uncertainty, as craftsmen belonging to different kingdoms could easily influence the nature of temple building in a specific region. The early Chalukyan temples reflect a striking juxtaposition of styles and the temples at Pattadakal provide a classic illustration of this synthesis.

Pattadakalhad always been a significant religious site for centuries because of its location on the banks of the river Malaprabha. This reinforces the timeless association between temples and rivers. Moreover, the name Patta-dakalu (roughly translating as the soil where kings are coronated) itself presupposes the site having a degree of royal significance.[2] Rulers in early medieval India built monumental temples to establish their temporal power and legitimize their authority. The magnitude of physical proportions was a definite barometer of temporal ambition, as kings vied with each other to construct gigantic temples that could reflect their territorial power (Michelle, 1977)15. In the sixth and seventh centuries AD, the Pallavas of Kanchi and Chalukyas of Badami were locked in political conflicts, and temples frequently became sites of contestation. Kings erected structures such that they could outshine those of rival kingdoms. Hence, temples and sacred spaces began being identified by dynastic appellations, as can easily be noticed in the caves of Badami and the ''rathas'' at Mahabalipuram.

Interlocking horse-shoe motifs are found on the pediments above panels in the Galaganatha temple, one of the four ''Nagara''-styled temples in this complex[3]. These are known as ''gavaksha'' motifs, named so because the arches resemble the eyes of a cow. These arches are a feature of both ''Nagara'' and ''Dravida'' temples and symbolically convey the processes of emergence, expansion, proliferation and dissolution. The repetition of ''gavaksha'' motifs points towards agricultural productivity in the region, epitomizing ''prakriti'' or nature’s bounty. In the Galaganatha temple, a proliferation of half-''gavaksas'' can be seen overlapping such that their separateness itself gets dissolved witha whole new ''gavaksa'' emerging in between. The structure looks similar to a woven tissue, and hence is known as ''jala'' (net) (Hardy, 2007)20. This repetition of motifs manifests what Trivedi calls ‘fractalisation’ in temples which gives a vibrant, visual quality to the structure (Trivedi, 1989)22.

The Galaganatha temple also has a prominent ''Sukha-nasa'' (parrot’s beak). This is a triangular projection located in front of the superstructure of the temple, which is dominated by a large ''gavaksha''. The ''shikhara'' is crowned by the ''amalaka'' (crown) surmounted by a ''kumbha'' (pot) and ''kalasha''(finial). These features are common in the Vallabhi style of Nagara architecture.

Fully modelled guardians called ''dvarapalas'' are also placed outside most temples, protecting the mandala from external threats. These guardians are portrayed as fearsome giants and powerful warriors in order to underscore their abilities to prevent any invasive forces from entering the precincts of a temple. In temples across India, there are variations in sculptures of ''dvarapalas'' based on the deity worshipped inside the temple. Vishnu temples generally have ''Bhadra'' and ''Subhadra'' or ''Jaya'' and ''Vijaya'' while Shiva temples have combinations such as ''Shringi'' and ''Bhringi''. Most Shiva temples also have a Nandi pavilion outside as Nandi is a protective deity. In the Virupaksha temple as well, there is a pavilion with a massive Nandi, almost 3 metres long and 1.8 metres high. This pavilion has niches with attendant females in amorous postures.

The sanctuary walls of several temples in this complex display ''Ardhanarishwara'', a fusion of Lord Parvati and Shiva. The unity of opposite principles, as discussed earlier in the context of the ''linga'' and ''yoni'', is once again manifested in such sculptures.

The Virupaksha temple is the only temple in active worship in the complex. It is a ''sandhara'' complex or one complete with a circumambulatory passage. On the exterior porch columns, courtly couples are depicted with long clothes. On one of the porch walls, Lord Shiva is carved inside a ''linga'' (''lingodbhava''), a very unique sculptural rendition that illustrates how the ''linga'' is seen as the source of all universal energies which are embodied in the Lord himself. Columns in the north porch are embellished with icons of Vishnu, in one case seen descending on Garuda to escape from Gajendra and in another, alongside a devotee. As in other temples, there are panels depicting Shiva and Parvati embracing each other, along with Nandi.

However, the sculptural imagery of the mandapa columns in the temple interiors are deeply symbolic and resound with life. Courtly couples locked in embraces; animals fighting and a range of vegetal motifs constitute some of the major themes that feature in this sculptural panoply. However, the narrative reliefs stand out for their vibrance and layers of meaning embedded in them. These include stories from the timeless epics- ''Mahabharata'' and ''Ramayana''- as well as episodes such as the ''Kiratarjuniya'' or incidents from the life of Lord Krishna. Scenes from the Mahabharata including the council of war, the clash between Arjuna and Karna, Bhishma lying on a bed of arrows and the ultimate battle between Bhima and Duryodhana are etched on the walls. From the Ramayana, scenes include the fight between Sugriva and Vali, the abduction of Sita, Hanuman finding Sita in Ravana’s Garden and Rama meeting Jatayu after attempting to rescue Sita. Origin-stories like the churning of the ocean are also vividly depicted inside the temple. These striking narrative reliefs, situated right outside the sanctum sanctorum bring to light the spiritual significance of epics and ‘''itihasa’'' in the Hindu way of life. Most of these episodes revolve around significant conflicts between characters from these epics which determined the subsequent trajectory of events and culminated in the restoration of dharma. The Papanatha temple, at a short distance from the Virupaksha temple complex, too has such striking reliefs sculpted on its outer walls. These vivid illustrations capture the way stories and narratives further consolidate the sacredness of shrines.

While the ceremonial significance of this temple complex is yet to be ascertained, there is irrefutable evidence of royal interference in the architectural form acquired by these temples. A pillar inscription in front of the Virupaksha temple not just eulogises the royal queens who patronized the temple but also mentions the names of artisans who participated in this endeavour. The temple was constructed at a time when the Chalukyan king Vikramaditya had carried out a successful campaign to Kanchi which was closely followed by his coronation. His influential queen, ''Lokamahadevi'', ensured that the Shiva temple in Pattadakal- which had earlier been patronised by her deceased sister- was duly completed. This was a deft attempt to inflate her husband’s martial credentials, and demonstrate his successful performance of royal dharma. This temple was aptly called ''Lokeshwara'' (the God of the world), which is now known as the Virupaksha temple. Thus, the construction of this monumental temple reflects not just the monarch’s temporal power but also his diligent adherence to dharmic principles. More crucially, the unprecedented influence of a queen in temple construction can also be discerned. ''Lokamahadevi'' left her stamp of authority on the temple in several ways, including a sculpture which depicts her as a beautiful young woman standing on a throne, upheld by three lions. In the same mandapa, she is also depicted as Durga, the lion-riding aspect of the Divine Mother that shelters the Chalukya family with her bravery and ferocity (Kanisetti, 2022)12. Therefore, her own temporal authority and performance of dharma can also be discerned from the temple walls.[4] This case study from early medieval India reveals the way divisions between temporal and sacred dissolved within shrines, which remained principally oriented towards spiritual growth and self-discovery.

====== '''Conclusion''' ======

The last century or two have been characterisedby unprecedented technological growth and urbanization, but the quest for preserving sacred spaceremains undiluted. Temples continue to proliferate across urban centres in India, especially in the form of petty wayside shrines. The hallowed precincts of temples, that attract devotees to obtain darshan, are deeply shaped by their structural features. This article has demonstrated how philosophical and cosmological principles embedded in ''vastu-shastras'' and ''agamic'' literature have influenced the evolution of temples in the Indian subcontinent. Each component of a temple is seen as a microcosmic capsule of the universe, and spiritual growth is contingent upon the devotee identifying with the universe as manifested in the deity. This blurring of distinctions between man, cosmos and God also happens to be a feature of temple iconography. In some ways, temples also seek to harmonise forces that otherwise may seem essentially opposed to each other. This can most prominently be noticed in the co-existence of a ''shiva''-''linga'' (male principle) with the ''yoni'' (feminine principle). The square plan or the ''vastu-purusha-mandala'' also underlines this quest for preserving harmony and eradicating all forces that threaten cosmic order. A devotee’s passage from the porch of a temple through the embellished mandapas into the dimly-lit ''garbha-griha'' is almost akin to a pilgrimage. Circumambulation is supposed to absorb the cosmic energies that abound in a temple. The narrative reliefs on the walls of temples in Pattadakal provide some insight into the role of epics and folk tales in fostering and preserving the sanctity of sacred space. While temples in this complex are attributed to royal queens, a number of local traditions also influenced the form of temples over here. This study is an attempt to foreground some of the fundamental principles that make Hindu temples an integral part of Indian heritage. It has illustrated how temples are spaces not merely meant for either individual salvation or congregational worship, but as emblems of universal harmony and environmental sustainability. Therefore, it would be appropriate to consider temples as structural manifestations of the cosmological and philosophical doctrines that have shaped Hinduism over the centuries. To that extent, this paper attempts to illuminate the scientific temper of artisans, craftsmen and kings in ancient and early medieval India, when scientific and spiritual developments overlapped and shaped the social experiences of millions of people

Notion of Sacred as Manifested in Hindu Temple Architecture and Iconography

2023-10-07T08:20:20Z

Anishg: Conclusion Added

Authored by Anirudh Naveen

== Notion of Sacred as Manifested in Hindu Temple Architecture and Iconography ==
The sacred sphere is intimate to human experience, as it helps imagine a transcendental universe beyond mundane material concerns. The demarcation of sacred space is a product of man’s eternal search for meaning. While any human being is generally predisposed towards the spiritual path, spiritual choices are frequently conditioned by social and political contexts. In India, the most characteristic expression of this quest for spiritual meaning can be noticed in its vibrant temple culture. Every year, millions of devotees from across the subcontinent throng to shrines and undertake exhaustive pilgrimages to fulfill spiritual ambitions, nurtured over lifetimes. This tradition of visiting temples and obtaining ‘''darsan’'' of the deity has been an integral part of communal life in India for centuries. Temples are perhaps the most compelling embodiments of sacred spheres, but it is important to place them in their cosmological, philosophical and historical contexts, which is precisely where this article seeks to intervene.

The act of worshipping in a shrine carries profound spiritual significance, as the austere confines of these structures conceal a lot of sanctifying energies. Such experiences invite attention to a couple of pivotal questions: What is this sacred energy that abounds in a temple and how is the structure of a temple responsible for diffusing it? While examining the nature of this energy merits scientific analysis (beyond the purview of the author’s knowledge), this paper attempts to investigate the second part of the question. In other words, how do temples reflect the spiritual impulse of devotees, and how did ''shilpins'' (architects) from ancient India meticulously embed philosophical ideas into brick and mortar? Even a casual survey of temples across the subcontinent would reveal that notwithstanding the multiplicity of temple styles, there are certain underlying principles that govern the form these temples eventually acquire.

This paper will closely scrutinise the features responsible for shaping the sacred character of temples, as expressed in architecture and iconography. It will do so by examining the philosophical and spiritual basis of structural features, including some references to temple culture and sculptural symbolism. Temples and deities will not be treated as isolated entities but as ‘texts’ requiring careful scrutiny in order to unpack the layers of meaning embedded in them. References from vastu-shastras like ''Mayamatam'' and ''Manasara'' shall be provided to underline the way sectarian traditions overlapped with architectural developments to manifest sacredness. Given the bewildering diversity of temples found across the subcontinent, a case study from the Malaprabha Valley of Karnataka shall also be provided. The site of Pattadakal has been consciously chosen owing to the variety of temple styles and iconographic influences that can be observed over here.

=== '''Hindu Temple as a Sacred Space: Textual and Structural Evolution''' ===
Before foraying into the sacred character of Hindu temples, it would help to briefly trace the evolution of temples in ancient India and the way this got reflected in literary traditions.

The Vedas reveal a deep-seated fascination with cosmic speculation, and endorse the performance of sacrifices to maintain cosmic balance (Hamilton, 2001)10. In the Vedic age, the bricks of a sacrificial altar were also arranged such that they formed an orthogonal frame. The rationale behind any ''yajna'' was to call upon devas like Indra, Mitra, Varuna to maintain order in the material world, and these deities in turn corresponded with natural elements. This was later consolidated philosophically by the Upanishads which stressed on the unity of the individual (''atman'') and cosmos (or macrocosm, i.e.''brahman''). Therefore, it is reasonable to suppose that sacrificial altars subliminally functioned as sacred spaces in the Vedic period, before the advent of temples in the subcontinent.

Traditional literature dealing with architecture and iconography are generally classed under the rubric of ''silpasastra'' or ''vastu''-''shastra''. Some ''vastusastras'' are encyclopedic in nature while others like ''Mayamatam'' and ''Manasara'' function like technical manuals for training artisans and craftsmen (Bafna, 1999)21. Scholars have generally argued that texts such as the ''vastu''-''shastras'' codified existing architectural traditions. Indeed, most of these texts reflect a regional imprint, i.e, they embody regional structures and practices, implying that they simply systematized earlier traditions.

Royal interest in architecture can be surmised from works such as the ''Samaranganasutradhara'' and the ''Manasollasa,'' attributed to Paramara Bhoja and Someshwara Chalukya respectively. The corpus of literature dealing with architecture is rather extensive, and fragments of such information can be gleaned from a variety of genres within Sanskrit literature.These include the ''Matsya Purana'' and ''Vishnudharmottara Purana'', the latter being a text devoted to art and painting, but containing some sections of architecture.

Devotional cults associated with worship of Shiva and Vishnu provided an impetus for construction of formal temples from the sixth and seventh century onwards. Consequently, texts called ''agamas'' were composed in classical Sanskrit to codify traditions already in vogue. ''Agamic'' literature is heavily sectarian in character and can broadly be divided into ''Shaiva'', ''Vaishnava'' and ''Shakta'' canons. These texts were composed in order to establish the cultic status of the temple, prescribe the mode of worship and also determine the nature of structural expansion of temples (Rao, 1989)17. The material used was to correspond with the importance of the temple in popular imagination. For instance, those considered the best were to be built in stone (''silamaya'') while wood (''daru'') was to be used for inferior temples. The ''Kamikagama'', associated with the Shaiva canon, elaborates on various components of a temple (in the context of south India) including its ''adishthana'' (base), ''gala'' (quadrangular mouldings) and the ''sikhara'' (spherical tower). Mandapas or roofed pavilions were to be attached to the sanctum, in order to function as ‘limbs’ of the temple. The surrounding wall of a temple, known as ''prakara'', is also given a lot of significance in the ''agamas''. The ''Manasara'' mentions how ''prakaras'' give strength (''bala'') to the temple, adds charm to its structure (''shobha'') and also provides resolute defense (''rakshana'') (Rao, 1989)17. The usage of anatomical terms to describe various parts of a temple- such as feet, neck and head- have led scholars to emphasize upon the “organic unity in temple architecture” (Deva, 1969, p.1)7.

==== '''Diagrams, Temples and the Cosmos''' ====
Diagrams are the most powerful mediums through which the sacred character of any landscape is expressed in the Hindu tradition. Whether humble sanctuaries or large complexes, all temples are built in the scheme of ritual diagrams known as ''mandalas''. Geometrical figures like points, circles and triangles are accorded special symbolic meaning in the ''vastu shastras''as they represent the energies of the cosmos. A point (''bindu'') is seen as the source of all creation, while a circle represents the cyclic principle of life, devoid of a starting and finishing point. The square grid though is employed extensively in sacred construction because it represents the manifest territorial world that needs to be transcended. (Khanna, 1979: 33)13

These diagrams are a product of India’s philosophical paradigm that collapses all distinctions between man, God and the cosmos. As pointed out by Prof. Kirti Trivedi, Hindu philosophy considers the cosmos to be holonomic, wherein each fragment is believed to be a whole unto itself. In other words, different parts of a temple are not treated in isolation, but considered to represent the entire cosmos in a “microcosmic capsule” (Trivedi, 1989, p. 245)22. ''Samkhya'' philosophy, one of the six orthodox philosophical schools of India, proposes this correspondence between the microcosm and macrocosm. Meanwhile, ''Vedanta'' also stresses on the divinity that pervades the human body. The maxims ‘''Ahambrahmasmi’'' or ''‘Tattvam Asi’'' reveal a non-dualistic principle that humans are indistinguishable from the cosmos. These propositions which exemplify nature as a manifestation of divinity, and human body in turn as a representation of the cosmos, impinge themselves on the form of temples. As shall be illustrated later in the section on iconography, such philosophical ideas also permeate the sculptural and spatial character of temples in India. ''Vastu-shastras'' therefore emphasise that the planning of towns, cities and other sacred spaces are supposed to be undertaken by duplicating the cosmic form which is usually based on a square ''mandala''.

Before the construction of a temple, the ground is levelled because it embodies the extent of the manifested universe. This levelled space is meant to evoke peace and harmony, as opposed to the chaos that prevails in the temporal world. The origins of this concept can be traced to the ''Satapatha Brahmana'', where it is stated that for any temple to be built, the earth should be even, it being the starting point for spiritual ascent (Kramrisch, 1946)14. In order to fulfill these requirements, a temple diagram is laid out on level ground. ''Purusha'' (cosmic man) is deemed to be the instrumental cause of the world, whose sacrifice helped in the creation of this world. There are several legends describing how the troublesome ''vastu purusha'' was pacified by Lord Brahma and laid low to restore harmony in the household. The whole building, consequently, is considered to be a likeness of the ''purusha''. In the ''Mayamatam'', the ''Vastupurusha'' is described as crooked, hump-backed, lying flat on the ground with head facing the east. The body of the ''vastu-purusha'' has a number of sensitive points called ''marmas'' and the well-being of the building can only be ensured upon confirming the well-being of the ''vastu-purusha.'' If not ‘sorrows innumerable will fall upon the limbs of the owner of the house’ (Dagens, 1994, p. 49)6. Stella Kramrisch calls the mandala as a “forecast of the temple”, suggesting that the surrounding ravines, streets or towns are linked with the structure of the universe through the ''vastu-purusha mandala (''Kramrisch, 1946, p.7'')14.'' The temple derives its sanctity from the ''Vastu-purusha'', who resides in the base and transforms the universal principle (''vastu''-''mandala'') into a structure that is the likeness of ''purusha''. Moreover, these patterns are employed by architects not just for delineating sacred spaces but also for town planning, suggesting their wider temporal significance.

By the ninth century, ''Tantric'' concepts also began permeating temple architecture across the subcontinent, greatly diversifying the sacred formulae and symbolism employed in temple worship. ''Tantrism'' revived the use of mystical symbols, as a result of which diagrams known as ''yantras'' soon became an integral part of ''sadhana''. In ''Tantric'' tradition, the word ''mandala'' refers to an enclosed space where deities are invited through mantras. ''Yantra'' literally means to sustain, hold or support the energy present in any element, object or a concept, and is often used interchangeably with ''mandala'' (Khanna, 1979)13. While the word is conventionally used to refer to mechanical equipment, tantrism endows it with spiritual significance. Therefore, ''yantras'' as geometrical patterns can be seen as tools to facilitate meditation and increased awareness. While the ''mandala'' has cosmic significance, ''yantra'' only manifests a “specific aspect of cosmic power”, such as the representation of a deity (Trivedi, 1989, p. 246)22. The ''Sri chakra'' is considered to be the greatest of all yantras, and believers of ''Shakti'' accord it with a lot of importance.

Analysing such technical diagrams like the ''mandala'' and the ''yantra'' may seem like an obfuscating and even pointless academic exercise, but if examined carefully, they perform the formative task of indicating the unity of all existence, a hallmark of Indian spiritual thought. The Upanishads and all major Vedantic texts emphasise on cosmic unity underlying the physical diversity of the world. A cyclical perspective to life is deeply embedded in Indian philosophical traditions, as the cosmos is considered to expand in circles and subsequently contract into one single principle. The goal of life in such a paradigm is to intuit the oneness of all creation because all actions of man eventually result in his returning to a single point, which is the site for the genesis and sublimation of all existence.

====== '''Image Worship and Symbolism''' ======
India is an overwhelmingly visual culture, and from the earliest times, images have constituted an integral part of the lives of people from the subcontinent. Images form the basis for innumerable devotional practices that constitute Hinduism and further consolidate the sacredness of the Indian landscape. In other words, desire for ''darshan'' of the divine image lies at the heart of temple worship in India (Eck, 1998)9.

The most distinctive feature of image worship in India is that it is not just visible in shrines or temples, but is enmeshed with the lived experiences of its people. Huge temple complexes are negligible in comparison to small shrines and sacred groves that dominate the subcontinent. Elements of nature like stones, bricks and flowers are endowed with ritual significance, and sometimes even saints are made objects of veneration. Anonymous wayside shrines dot urban landscapes, without necessarily conforming to temple-building rules as laid down in the ''vastu-shastras'' (Bharne, 2012)4. Furthermore in the contemporary world, icons of Gods are found in diverse settings such as taxis, tea-stalls and sweet shops attesting to the omnipresent nature of divinity that informs modern notions of the sacred.

This practice of worshipping an external image is principally rooted in Vedic philosophy that stresses on the importance of concentrating the mind on an object to attain eternal bliss and harmony. Panini refers to images as ‘''pratikriti’'' or anything made after the original. Yaska in his ''Nirukta''(etymology) too refers to Gods as resembling men, especially in their capacity to undertake intellectual activities (Rao, 1914)18. Thus, the quest for worshipping deities clearly ante-dates the composition of the Puranas. Various iconic and aniconic traditions of image-making have prevailed from Vedic times.[1]The emergence of new devotional traditions contributed to structural expansion of temples across India. Temples became far more elaborate and also began reflecting more pronounced sectarian connotations from the sixth century onwards. This is when the images of gods and goddesses got divided into pantheons such as ''Vaishnava'' and ''Shaiva'', with the ''shakti'' cult too developing in the course of time. Two examples of aniconic stones are the ''Salagrama'' stone (for ''Vishnu'') and the ''bana-linga'' (for ''Shiva'').

The ''Salagramas'' are flinted ammonite shells found in rivers, generally in a round and polished form. The ''varaha purana'' narrates a legend where the river-goddess of Gandaki requested Vishnu to take birth in her womb, and the Lord appeared in the form of ''salagramas''. Each ''Salagrama'' has a hole through which several grooves are visible, resembling the chakra of Vishnu. These are considered to represent discus of Vishnu and therefore, the stone is called ‘''svarupa’'' or the natural form of Vishnu. This is what lends the stone a sacred character for Vaishnavas as well as Vaidik Saivites (Rao, 1914)18.

''Bana-lingas'' are representations of Shiva in his ''svayambhu'' or self-born form. The ''linga'' mostly consists of quarts and egg-shaped pebbles. These are said to be found in holy sites like Amareshwara, near the Mahendra mountains (Rao, 1914)18. These ''lingas'' have two parts- the vertical stone-shaft which is the male component and the circular horizontal base known as the ''yoni'' or the ''pani-pitha.'' These do not really correspond with sex organs, but rather embody a confluence of male and female principles. Linga is considered to be the static principle which takes the form of an egg (''anda-rupa'') to convey Lord Shiva’s status as being devoid of attributes. On the contrary, ''yoni''r represents the kinetic field of creation which generates movement, change and expansion. While ''Shiva'' is a “silent seer of all phenomena”, “''Shakti'' is the phenomenon itself” (Khanna, 1979, p.67)13. In other words, all creation is contingent on the creative play (''lila)'' of these two forces, and their very distinction ensures equilibrium in the temporal world (Khanna, 1979)13. ''Lingas'' are found in ''Shiva'' temples across the subcontinent, and their association with architecture shall be elucidated later in this paper.

====== '''Consecration''' ======

Rites of consecration ascertain the separation of the sacred space from its mundane surroundings. Once consecrated, even a small stone, tree or an object can acquire spiritual significance. Texts prescribe that the ''shilpin'' (architect) must also undergo ritual purification to ensure that the images produced are resplendent with attributes. Once an image is created, special rites of consecration are performed in stages. First, the image is purified using a variety of substances like ''ghee'', honey and grass. These substances ensure that the qualities of the image are as clear as possible. Further, priests are entrusted with the responsibility of touching various deities supposed to be located in different parts of the image. For instance, ''Brahman'' is seated in the chest and ''Surya'' in the eyes. Thus, special rites are performed to manifest the attributes of deities that inhabit any image. Finally, ''prana''(life) is infused into the image in the central site. This essentially endows the image with breathing power, and also establishes its association with the site. ''Yajamanas'' or ritually purified priests perform this highly significant ritual of the ''prana-pratishta''. Moreover, to complete the creation of the image, they also pry open its eyes, that are previously sealed with a coat of honey and ghee. This procedure is performed with the help of a golden needle. The eyes of a deity are of utmost importance to a devotee, who looks into them while praying to the Almighty (Eck, 1998)9.

These rites endow the deity with human qualities, and the very term ‘''prana’'' illustrates how human qualities are bestowed upon the deity. This ties in with an earlier reference to anatomical terms being used to describe different parts of temples, again reflecting the erasure of differences between human beings and God. Therefore, all procedures involved in the consecration of the deity in any temple are oriented towards manifesting its sacred qualities so that the ''darshan'' of the deity can be made meaningful.

====== '''Structure of Temples and Circumambulation''' ======
A temple is considered to be the architectural likeness of a mountain, as texts frequently compare it with Mount Meru or other sacred mountains in the Hindu paradigm. Himalayan peaks are held in high esteem in Hindu cosmology because they are considered to be the abode of several gods including Meru and Kailasa (Deva, 1969)7. A typical north Indian temple consists of a number of mandapas leading up the tallest spire- the ''shikhara''- located directly above the sanctum sanctorum. These temples also have a crowning ring-stone on top known as the ''amalaka'' or the sun-disk, symbolising the celestial world. The sculptural exuberance of temples- with figurines of human beings, animals and natural beauty- mirrors a mountain bustling with activity.

However, even mountains (especially those in the Himalayas) have quaint and isolated sites like caves which are conducive for meditation and spiritual activities. To that extent, the sanctum sanctorum of the temple is like a cave, as it is always dimly lit and unlike the temple exterior, its walls do not pulsate with activity. In other words, the interiors of any temple direct the attention of a devotee to the source of all life in the cosmos. This is also known as the ''Brahma-sthana'' of the mandala or the temple-plan. Rituals mentioned earlier not only consolidate the identity of any deity as a manifestation of God, but also as the space from where the cosmic process begins (Trivedi, 1989)22. This is precisely why the sanctum sanctorum of temples is known as the ''garbha-griha'' or the womb-chamber. Here, the deity is like a seed that germinates inside the womb and the ''garbhadhana'' (seed-laying) ceremony is supposed to be performed by a priest in the middle of the night before active worship begins. The invisible axis joining the centre of the sanctum to the finial of the superstructure is “conceived as the cosmic axis connecting earth and heaven” (Desai, 2000, p. 19)8. In this manner, the temple directs a devotee’s eyes and mind from this world to the world above, in order to foreground the linkages between the cosmos and the temple.

This comparison with mountains extends to the practice of circumambulation which any devotee is supposed to perform upon entering a temple. While every temple is associated with one chief deity, there are other gods and goddesses sculpted on niches or placed around the ''garbha-griha''. Thus, before entering the interior of a temple, a devotee circumambulates it to internalize the entire gamut of worldly creation embedded on its walls. Large temples also have an inner ambulatory around the sanctum, which needs to be traversed before a devotee receives darshan. This ritual is also replete with symbolism as it reflects a devotee’s journey from worldly plenitude to the solitude of the temple interiors. On that account, the circumambulation of a temple amounts to circumambulation of the cosmos (Eck, 1998)9. Therefore, a visit to the temple is considered to be no less than a pilgrimage, as a devotee is taken on a spiritual journey to facilitate self-realisation and fulfillment of spiritual goals.

====== '''Sacred Character of Temples in Pattadakal''' ======

The period between the 6th and the 8th centuries AD was one of frenzied construction activity in the land below the Vindhyas. By the 7th century, the Chalukyas of Badami had politically unified large parts of the Deccan, and erected a number of temples in the Malaprabha Valley of present-day Karnataka. The sites of Badami and Aihole reflect formative stages of architectural development, but early western Chalukyan architecture reached its climax at Pattadakal. This is a complex of eight temples, all of them consecrated to Lord Shiva. This complex is a UNESCO World Heritage site, chiefly because it integrates the three major temple building styles found across the subcontinent. Moreover, a survey of structures over here reveals a synthesis of religious ideas, royal initiative and local architectural traditions.[1]

The construction of these temples around the seventh century AD coincided with the crystallization of northern and southern stylistic repertoires. Until this period, temples generally had simple forms and sculptural motifs carved with great technical virtuosity. Although there were certain unifying characteristics that underlined the sacred character of temples in India, regional differences became more pronounced with the passage of time. Northern or Nagara temples began displaying a cruciform plan along with a curvilinear ''shikhara'' while Southern or Dravida temples were soon marked by a pyramidal ''shikhara'', consisting of progressively smaller stories leading to a dome. George Michelle shows how temples reflect a great deal of “stylistic confusion and overlapping”, as the precise nature of temple styles have been shaped by historical events as much as by geography (Michell, 1977, p. 86)15. This became all the more revealing during times of political uncertainty, as craftsmen belonging to different kingdoms could easily influence the nature of temple building in a specific region. The early Chalukyan temples reflect a striking juxtaposition of styles and the temples at Pattadakal provide a classic illustration of this synthesis.

Pattadakalhad always been a significant religious site for centuries because of its location on the banks of the river Malaprabha. This reinforces the timeless association between temples and rivers. Moreover, the name Patta-dakalu (roughly translating as the soil where kings are coronated) itself presupposes the site having a degree of royal significance.[2] Rulers in early medieval India built monumental temples to establish their temporal power and legitimize their authority. The magnitude of physical proportions was a definite barometer of temporal ambition, as kings vied with each other to construct gigantic temples that could reflect their territorial power (Michelle, 1977)15. In the sixth and seventh centuries AD, the Pallavas of Kanchi and Chalukyas of Badami were locked in political conflicts, and temples frequently became sites of contestation. Kings erected structures such that they could outshine those of rival kingdoms. Hence, temples and sacred spaces began being identified by dynastic appellations, as can easily be noticed in the caves of Badami and the ''rathas'' at Mahabalipuram.

Interlocking horse-shoe motifs are found on the pediments above panels in the Galaganatha temple, one of the four ''Nagara''-styled temples in this complex[3]. These are known as ''gavaksha'' motifs, named so because the arches resemble the eyes of a cow. These arches are a feature of both ''Nagara'' and ''Dravida'' temples and symbolically convey the processes of emergence, expansion, proliferation and dissolution. The repetition of ''gavaksha'' motifs points towards agricultural productivity in the region, epitomizing ''prakriti'' or nature’s bounty. In the Galaganatha temple, a proliferation of half-''gavaksas'' can be seen overlapping such that their separateness itself gets dissolved witha whole new ''gavaksa'' emerging in between. The structure looks similar to a woven tissue, and hence is known as ''jala'' (net) (Hardy, 2007)20. This repetition of motifs manifests what Trivedi calls ‘fractalisation’ in temples which gives a vibrant, visual quality to the structure (Trivedi, 1989)22.

The Galaganatha temple also has a prominent ''Sukha-nasa'' (parrot’s beak). This is a triangular projection located in front of the superstructure of the temple, which is dominated by a large ''gavaksha''. The ''shikhara'' is crowned by the ''amalaka'' (crown) surmounted by a ''kumbha'' (pot) and ''kalasha''(finial). These features are common in the Vallabhi style of Nagara architecture.

Fully modelled guardians called ''dvarapalas'' are also placed outside most temples, protecting the mandala from external threats. These guardians are portrayed as fearsome giants and powerful warriors in order to underscore their abilities to prevent any invasive forces from entering the precincts of a temple. In temples across India, there are variations in sculptures of ''dvarapalas'' based on the deity worshipped inside the temple. Vishnu temples generally have ''Bhadra'' and ''Subhadra'' or ''Jaya'' and ''Vijaya'' while Shiva temples have combinations such as ''Shringi'' and ''Bhringi''. Most Shiva temples also have a Nandi pavilion outside as Nandi is a protective deity. In the Virupaksha temple as well, there is a pavilion with a massive Nandi, almost 3 metres long and 1.8 metres high. This pavilion has niches with attendant females in amorous postures.

The sanctuary walls of several temples in this complex display ''Ardhanarishwara'', a fusion of Lord Parvati and Shiva. The unity of opposite principles, as discussed earlier in the context of the ''linga'' and ''yoni'', is once again manifested in such sculptures.

The Virupaksha temple is the only temple in active worship in the complex. It is a ''sandhara'' complex or one complete with a circumambulatory passage. On the exterior porch columns, courtly couples are depicted with long clothes. On one of the porch walls, Lord Shiva is carved inside a ''linga'' (''lingodbhava''), a very unique sculptural rendition that illustrates how the ''linga'' is seen as the source of all universal energies which are embodied in the Lord himself. Columns in the north porch are embellished with icons of Vishnu, in one case seen descending on Garuda to escape from Gajendra and in another, alongside a devotee. As in other temples, there are panels depicting Shiva and Parvati embracing each other, along with Nandi.

However, the sculptural imagery of the mandapa columns in the temple interiors are deeply symbolic and resound with life. Courtly couples locked in embraces; animals fighting and a range of vegetal motifs constitute some of the major themes that feature in this sculptural panoply. However, the narrative reliefs stand out for their vibrance and layers of meaning embedded in them. These include stories from the timeless epics- ''Mahabharata'' and ''Ramayana''- as well as episodes such as the ''Kiratarjuniya'' or incidents from the life of Lord Krishna. Scenes from the Mahabharata including the council of war, the clash between Arjuna and Karna, Bhishma lying on a bed of arrows and the ultimate battle between Bhima and Duryodhana are etched on the walls. From the Ramayana, scenes include the fight between Sugriva and Vali, the abduction of Sita, Hanuman finding Sita in Ravana’s Garden and Rama meeting Jatayu after attempting to rescue Sita. Origin-stories like the churning of the ocean are also vividly depicted inside the temple. These striking narrative reliefs, situated right outside the sanctum sanctorum bring to light the spiritual significance of epics and ‘''itihasa’'' in the Hindu way of life. Most of these episodes revolve around significant conflicts between characters from these epics which determined the subsequent trajectory of events and culminated in the restoration of dharma. The Papanatha temple, at a short distance from the Virupaksha temple complex, too has such striking reliefs sculpted on its outer walls. These vivid illustrations capture the way stories and narratives further consolidate the sacredness of shrines.

While the ceremonial significance of this temple complex is yet to be ascertained, there is irrefutable evidence of royal interference in the architectural form acquired by these temples. A pillar inscription in front of the Virupaksha temple not just eulogises the royal queens who patronized the temple but also mentions the names of artisans who participated in this endeavour. The temple was constructed at a time when the Chalukyan king Vikramaditya had carried out a successful campaign to Kanchi which was closely followed by his coronation. His influential queen, ''Lokamahadevi'', ensured that the Shiva temple in Pattadakal- which had earlier been patronised by her deceased sister- was duly completed. This was a deft attempt to inflate her husband’s martial credentials, and demonstrate his successful performance of royal dharma. This temple was aptly called ''Lokeshwara'' (the God of the world), which is now known as the Virupaksha temple. Thus, the construction of this monumental temple reflects not just the monarch’s temporal power but also his diligent adherence to dharmic principles. More crucially, the unprecedented influence of a queen in temple construction can also be discerned. ''Lokamahadevi'' left her stamp of authority on the temple in several ways, including a sculpture which depicts her as a beautiful young woman standing on a throne, upheld by three lions. In the same mandapa, she is also depicted as Durga, the lion-riding aspect of the Divine Mother that shelters the Chalukya family with her bravery and ferocity (Kanisetti, 2022)12. Therefore, her own temporal authority and performance of dharma can also be discerned from the temple walls.[4] This case study from early medieval India reveals the way divisions between temporal and sacred dissolved within shrines, which remained principally oriented towards spiritual growth and self-discovery.

====== '''Conclusion''' ======

The last century or two have been characterisedby unprecedented technological growth and urbanization, but the quest for preserving sacred spaceremains undiluted. Temples continue to proliferate across urban centres in India, especially in the form of petty wayside shrines. The hallowed precincts of temples, that attract devotees to obtain darshan, are deeply shaped by their structural features. This article has demonstrated how philosophical and cosmological principles embedded in ''vastu-shastras'' and ''agamic'' literature have influenced the evolution of temples in the Indian subcontinent. Each component of a temple is seen as a microcosmic capsule of the universe, and spiritual growth is contingent upon the devotee identifying with the universe as manifested in the deity. This blurring of distinctions between man, cosmos and God also happens to be a feature of temple iconography. In some ways, temples also seek to harmonise forces that otherwise may seem essentially opposed to each other. This can most prominently be noticed in the co-existence of a ''shiva''-''linga'' (male principle) with the ''yoni'' (feminine principle). The square plan or the ''vastu-purusha-mandala'' also underlines this quest for preserving harmony and eradicating all forces that threaten cosmic order. A devotee’s passage from the porch of a temple through the embellished mandapas into the dimly-lit ''garbha-griha'' is almost akin to a pilgrimage. Circumambulation is supposed to absorb the cosmic energies that abound in a temple. The narrative reliefs on the walls of temples in Pattadakal provide some insight into the role of epics and folk tales in fostering and preserving the sanctity of sacred space. While temples in this complex are attributed to royal queens, a number of local traditions also influenced the form of temples over here. This study is an attempt to foreground some of the fundamental principles that make Hindu temples an integral part of Indian heritage. It has illustrated how temples are spaces not merely meant for either individual salvation or congregational worship, but as emblems of universal harmony and environmental sustainability. Therefore, it would be appropriate to consider temples as structural manifestations of the cosmological and philosophical doctrines that have shaped Hinduism over the centuries. To that extent, this paper attempts to illuminate the scientific temper of artisans, craftsmen and kings in ancient and early medieval India, when scientific and spiritual developments overlapped and shaped the social experiences of millions of people

Notion of Sacred as Manifested in Hindu Temple Architecture and Iconography

2023-10-07T08:17:30Z

Anishg: This article explores how temple architecture with the use of square-grid plans or 'mandala,' connects with ancient devotional traditions. It discusses practices like image-worship and deity consecration while emphasizing the role of temple design in bridging the gap between humans, the cosmos, and divinity. A case study from Pattadakal illustrates how temples blend royal, imperial, and local traditions, redefining them as vessels of profound philosophical wisdom and spiritual experiences.