Hydromanagement in Ancient India
Authored by Soham Dutta
Introduction
Since the inception of civilization in India, water has played a crucial role in the daily lives of people who have resided there. In Rigvedic hymns, water is also revered as Varun dev, while the Saraswati River, one of the most significant water supplies for the Harappan civilization, was revered as a goddess. Not only Saraswati, but every spring of water, regardless of its size, was imbued with religious and spiritual significance. However, the significance of water was not limited to intangible spiritual qualities alone; it was also reflected in common people’s usage of practical water management techniques. Whether it was the enormous subterranean water reservoirs of Dholavira or the ring wells of Hastinapur, successive generations inherited the Indian hydro management system. The expertise of water management was passed down through generations not just in developed metropolitan regions but also in rural communities that were responsible for the maintenance of natural and manmade waterbodies. Regardless of terrain, Indians were able to adapt and create in accordance with varying climatic and geographical conditions, which was necessary for the sustenance of both settlement life and the natural environment. Ancient India, like other ancient civilizations throughout the world, developed hydrologic science due to the need to control water. Until recently, however, the majority of ancient hydrological knowledge was kept secret and unknown to the general public. This research will give insight into ancient India’s hydrological, hydraulic, and related technological understanding, as described in current literature and recent expeditions and discoveries. The Vedas, in particular the Rigveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda, include numerous references to the water cycle and related processes, such as water quality, hydraulic machines and other structures, and nature-based solutions (NBS) for water management. The Harappan Civilization demonstrates the degree of water science development in ancient India, which included the construction of sophisticated hydraulic structures, wastewater disposal systems based on central and decentralized principles, and wastewater treatment techniques. The Mauryan empire (322 BCE–185 BCE) is recognized as the first hydraulic civilization, as evidenced by the construction of dams with spillways, reservoirs, and channels with spillways; an understanding of water balance; the development of water pricing systems; rainfall measurement; and knowledge of various hydrological processes. As we delve deeper into hydrologic references in ancient literature and archaeological sites, several intriguing facets of the Indians’ early scientific endeavors become apparent.
Geo-Climatic Profile of India
Elevated parts in northern India, including the Himalayas, get persistent winter snowfall and have climates that range from moderate to alpine. The Himalayan Mountains and the Thar Desert have significant effects on the country's climate. A bulk of the Indian subcontinent stays warmer than most countries at comparable latitudes because the Himalayas act as a barrier to the frigid katabatic winds pouring down from Central Asia. Therefore, the northern parts of the country experience a continental climate, with hot summers and cold winters. As a contrary, the coastal areas of the country are reliably warm and receive heavy rains year round. Typically located where the temperature is high or warm, the Western Ghats, southern Assam, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, and Lakshadweep Islands all have a tropical wet monsoon climate. Between May and November, these areas average 2,000 millimeter’s of precipitation per year.
The climate in northern and northeastern India is predominantly subtropical. The climate of these regions is characterized by extremely high temperatures during the summer and extremely low temperatures during the winter. Extra precipitation typically occurs in these areas during the winter months.
From January through July, the country experiences a seasonal wind reversal and the second of two wet seasons. Dry, chilly air dominates the winter sky over the Indian subcontinent, blowing in from the northern latitudes and sweeping northeastward. The summer or south-west monsoon is a reversal of winds across the region caused by the severe summer heat warming the northern Indian subcontinent and luring moist breezes over the oceans.
Seventy-five percent of India's yearly precipitation occurs during these four months, making this the single most influential component in the country's climate (June to September). Variability in the onset, duration, and amount of rainfall throughout the monsoon season has significant effects on the country's water supplies, power generation, agriculture, economy, and ecosystems. It's possible that there is no other area of comparable size in the globe with as much climatic diversity. Precipitation amounts can vary widely from one region to another. While Western Rajasthan often receives less than 13 centimeter’s of rain per year, Mawsyram Meghalaya can get as much as 1,141 centimeter’s. The varying climate regimes, from humid in the northeast to dry in the southwest, are roughly reflected in the rainfall pattern (Attri and Tyagi, 2010)3. It is also important to briefly describe the hydrogeological formations, in addition to rainfall, that influence the depth of the aquifer. The alluvial deposits that cover river basins, coastal, and deltaic tracts are the largest and most important ground water reserves for widespread construction. The Indo-Ganga-Brahmaputra basin has the potential to tap into vast quantities of fresh ground water thanks to its favorable hydrogeological setting and ground water regime conditions. These ground water reservoirs are constantly being refilled despite previous heavy use because they are located in areas with abundant rainfall and are covered by a thick layer of permeable sediments (Saha, Dipankar & Shekhar, Shashank & Khan, Shakir &Vittala, S S& Raju, Nandimandalam, 2016)26. Thus, it can be claimed that no single system can be employed for water management in a country like India, with continental proportions; rather, a number of ingenious techniques and systems have been adapted over thousands of years based on local demands.
Pre-Harappan Beginnings: An Overview of Neolithic Mehrgrah Culture
The Neolithic era ranged from c. 7000 BC to c. 3000 BCE or later in the Indian subcontinent. The well-established Neolithic period is illustrated by advanced pottery, an agro-pastoral culture, population growth, geographical extension, and innovation in technologies such as the use of gold, seals, glazed steatite, beads, and a water irrigation system. The advanced plumbing and sewer systems were also developed by early engineers and reached their peak during the Harappan era.
One of the earliest examples of neolithic and pre-Harappan hydromanagement can be found in the sites of Mehrgarh culture, which was established on the hill slopes as well as the plain strips of hills or fans in the arid-to-semiarid region of Balochistan with scarcity of water for their survival and agriculture fields. They introduced the gabarbands and checkdams to store the rainwater from open areas, and the khushkaba and sailaba storage systems to store rainwater from the seasonal river in the valleys and use it for their survival. Due to mud-constructed walls and earth dug drains, archeologists know very little about the sanitation and wastewater technologies of Mehrgarh due to harsh weather conditions. However, the remains at Kalli Gull Muhammad and Bolan Pass, Baluchistan, indicate that they have a main drain at the sides of their residences and that the rainwater falls down to it directly from the roofs and houses. The construction of houses in a grid system reveals that there was a common wall between two houses, and in the middle and in the corner of the house, there was a toilet and a bath. Outside the constructed area, there was a check dam for the storage of rainwater with an open inlet drain from the slope or elevated areas. The check dams were used as swimming pools and also for domestic water use. A common well also existed in Kalli Gull Muhammad, as well as Bolan Pass, with spring water in nearby valleys. This evidence indicates that they had common use of wells as well as spring water, which shows their unity and coordination with one another. The Mehrgarh people were developing the concept of a swimming pool or groundwater logging system. In the northwestern part of Kalli Gull Muhammad remains, there is a square-shaped pool or water tank on the ground with an open area around it. This swimming pool is some distance from the water check dam of the settlement, with an inlet and an outlet on the eastern and western sides with compact wall stone. Furthermore, the evidence of gabarbands in Tung Valley, Sind, also represents the waterlogging technology of the Mehrgarh people for agricultural purposes, the latter of which might have been converted into check dams as well as hydro-dam technology. The "great bath" owes, without doubt, a debt to the proto-tanks of Mehrgarh. In Neolithic Mehrgarh, the water wells and tanks seem to be on one side of the village or constructive area. There is no evidence of individual wells, water tanks, or storage systems. The main drain seems to be around the constructed area, with some link drains from the houses. No doubt, the water management system of the Mehrgarh civilization was not well developed, but it provides a clue for the promotion of water technology in the future. Resultantly, the water treatment and sewage system of the Harappan civilization were more advanced compared to the Neolithic era. The Mehrgarh village of Kalli Gull Muhammad, as well as Bolan Pass remains, indicate that they had a well and water tank, as well as baths. The well and water tank were common entities to facilitate the whole village. In the houses, between bedrooms, there are small square-shaped units in the form of a row, which shows that these were the baths as well as the toilets, which exist in almost all houses ((Khan, Yilmaz, Valipour, Angelakis, 2021)17.
Generally, the Neolithic Mehrgarh is known as the village system, with some compact and dispersed house systems. The drain around the village and the waterlogging check dams indicate that they were aware of the drainage system but were not well developed technologically. It is hard to observe the well-developed drainage system in the Neolithic period, as most of these sites exist in arid areas. The remains of the gabarbands, check dams, khushkaba, and sailaba systems in the nearby valleys of the Mehrgarh settlements prove that they had a well canal and irrigation system in the entire area for the cultivation of food and cash crops (cotton, burnt rice, wheat, and barley). Because, from each gabarband, check dam, khushkaba, and sailaba, there are a number of outlet channels that represent a clue of canals to the agricultural fields near the archaeological sites of Bolan Pass, as well as Kalli Gull Muhammad. The Mehrgarh civilization was flourishing in the hilly areas and a plain strip of mountains in Balochistan during ca. 7000–2500 BC, with major archeological sites such as Kalli Gull Muhammad, Bolan Pass, Charsadda, Takht Bhai, and Udigram having complete knowledge of sanitation, canal systems, the construction of water dams, wells, and water tanks, agriculture, trade, sewers, and business systems. The developed structure of that culture then appeared in the shape of the Harappan Civilization, under which the application of neolithic hydrological management techniques reached its culmination.
Harappan Wasserluxus: Epitome of Proto-Historic Hydromanagement
Harappan people utilized a well-defined set of ideas regarding human life and culture to distinguish themselves from other people. Physical and symbolic aspects of water were an integral part of Indus philosophy, which can be identified as "Harappan Wasserluxus." Derived from the German word, the Harappan Water Splendor was reflected in architecture (via various water management and sanitation systems) and religion approximately 4000 years ago (Posehll, 2002)23. As seen at Dholavira (underground water reservoirs) and Mohenjo-daro (the Great Bath), where there were numerous wells, elaborate drainage systems, and bathing facilities in every home, water management was essential to Harappan cities. Each dwelling's bathing facilities represent the significance of washing and cleanliness (physically as well as symbolically). Numerous wells provided the pure water necessary for effective sanitation. The drainage system, on the other hand, moved effluent away from houses and out of harm's way through a brick channel that prevented contamination of the ground and city. The great bath of Mohenjo-Daro, which was elevated and suggested cleanliness, demonstrates that bathing was accorded an opulent position. Mohenjodaro was an ideological hub that reflected Indus nihilism, urban wasserluxus, and diversity. The disappearance of wasserluxus coincided with the decline of the mature phase of the Harappans, suggesting a connection between the two. The connection between wasserluxus and cities is also evident in Dholavira and Lothal, where a sophisticated year-round water harvesting system and dockyard, respectively, were given priority. From a pragmatic perspective, Water sustains human, plant, and animal life. Symbolically, it was associated with concepts of purity and pollution, as clean and fresh water was provided by wells while dirty, polluted water was discharged through drains. Even the grand bath may be a unique location for the ablutions of elites. The symbolic aspect can be better comprehended by analyzing the significance of water in Harappan religion. According to John Marshall, the Harappan religion possessed an abstract sanctity for water. As the practice of religion and the demand for rituals led to universal arrangements for bathing and drainage, water became revered and of great importance in daily life. The Harappan philosophy of wasserluxus was also reflected in its architecture. The construction of brick-lined wells was a prominent feature of Harappan cities. Mohenjo-daro contained more than 700 wells, while Lothal, Harappa, and Chanhuodro also contained a sizeable number. The baked bricks supported the soil, prevented erosion and cave-ins, and supplied clean, sweet water with minimal sediment and contaminants. When the original platforms of cities like Mohenjo-daro were constructed, they were meticulously maintained, resulting in continuity of well location over stratigraphic accumulation. The area served by wells was nearly equidistant, providing citizens with equitable access to water, particularly in lower town. Initially, wells were privately owned, but as the population grew, public wells became a necessity. In the Harappan home, a carefully paved room was discovered with a deep depression and grooves on the well's inside coping, as well as an occasional low brick platform for seating, indicating the room's communal nature. Similar to the wells, the drainage system was particularly remarkable in Mohenjo-daro, Harappa, Kalibangan, Nausharo, Chanuhudaro, Allahidino, Dholivira, and Lothal. There were provisions for water management within dwellings, including intra-mud drains, vertical drain pipes in walls, chutes through walls to streets, and drains from bathing platforms to streets. Throughout the transitional period, drains appeared (early 3rd millennium BCE). In Allahdino, there are drains made of stone as well as those made of baked bricks. Some drains had a gypsum and lime plaster base with baked bricks on the sides. Specially shaped bricks were used to create the rounded corners of drains, while mud mortar was used to ensure the structural integrity of the drain. Given that drains were typically located on the sides of streets, the majority of drains had brick or stone covers. Normal baked bricks were laid horizontally, while wider drains were covered with limestone blocks quarried frequently from Rohri Hills (in the case of Mohenjodaro). With an average depth of 46 to 60 centimeters and regular settling pools and traps, coarse sediments and other materials were allowed to settle out of the flow, which was periodically collected. Extra-long bricks were used to cover larger drains or culverts. Also, one of the earliest examples of a corbelled arch used for culverts, the largest of which can be seen at Great Bath, has been discovered. The water in the street was collected by brick-lined cesspits and clay jars placed along the street. As the water was polluted and filthy, it was expelled from the home, establishing a close relationship with the wasserluxus philosophy of Harappa. The bathing facilities demonstrated an additional level of sophistication in water management. There were special bathing platforms (approximately 1.5 m square and rectilinear in shape), paved with bricks that had been meticulously prepared and set at right angles with a smoothed surface. In addition, elevated rims with brick courses surrounded the platforms. The surface of the bathroom platforms was slightly slanted toward a corner so that water could escape the bathing area via the drain. They were slopped with very smooth ground down to form a seamless surface, with lime plaster and brick dust often used for polishing. We discovered interesting artifacts at Lothal and Kalibangan in addition to Mohenjodaro. In Lothal, thirteen bathroom platforms were discovered in a high mound that was most likely a public facility, whereas in Kalibangan, the earliest examples of terracotta bathroom tiles with geometrical designs were discovered. In the course of a recent investigation, flushing mechanisms were frequently discovered in privies.
Thus, it is clear from the excavations that the Harappans were masters of water management; however, to get a deeper insight, we can have an overview of three monumental water management structures that might require the utilization of state resources.
Dholavira: An Aqua City
Archaeological excavations of the ancient city have uncovered fortified water conservation systems, frequently exhibiting advanced architectural craftsmanship. Archaeological excavations of the ancient city have uncovered fortified water conservation systems, frequently exhibiting advanced architectural craftsmanship (Harish, 2009)12.
The city of Dholavira was built between two streams in a way to fully capture the water that would flow into them after every rain. Water from the Mansar, the northern stream, was first led through a channel to a set of reservoirs along the northern perimeter of the city. The harnessing of the Manhar, the southern stream, can probably be dated to the time of the original establishment of the citadel. To the south of the citadel, there is a series of five discernible tanks, which have now been largely excavated. Of these tanks, the most impressive is the one immediately towards the east of the citadel. Measuring almost 75 m north-south and 30 m east-west, it had a triple stepped basin that was over 10 m deep at its maximum. These are thought to have actually been two larger tanks with a levee in between. The more elaborate unit further to the west was highly skilled rock cutting work. In the citadel, flat surfaces, including the tops of the fortification walls, were utilized for their rainwater runoff. It is estimated that the wide fortification wall directed runoff towards channels built within the wall itself. These channels are of unexpectedly large sizes, large enough for a person to walk inside them. There was also a small, stepped cascade on the east wall, which fed the channel in the center. These series of tanks were interconnected with either masonry or rock cut drains depending on the location. Presumably, these drains formed an overflow system such that each tank could be filled up after the preceding one was full. These hydraulic facilities provided the inhabitants of Dholavira with a year round supply of fresh water, even in a desert (Bisht, 2002)6
Lothal: The World's First Dockyard
In addition to walls, platforms, wells, drains, and paved bathing platforms, which are the typical water management system of Harappan cities, S.R. Rao identified a monumental brick-lined enclosure as the Dockyard. It is hypothesized that Lothal engineers studied the effects of tidal movements on brick-built structures, as the walls are composed of kiln-fired bricks. This knowledge also allowed them to select Lothal's location, as the Gulf of Khambhat has the greatest tidal amplitude and ships can pass through the river estuary's flow tides. A second inlet is provided on the opposite side of the main inlet, which is 12.8 meters (42 feet) in width. On the exterior wall faces, offsets were installed to counter the thrust of the water. At high tide, the water flow would have permitted ships to enter. Provision was made for the outflow of excess water via the outlet channel on the southern arm's uppermost point. Throughout their time, the city was subjected to numerous floods and storms. Docks and city perimeter walls were effectively maintained. The vociferous reconstruction of the city ensured the expansion and prosperity of the trade (Rao,1979)25.
Mohenjodaro: The Great Bath
The Great Bath was part of what appears to have been a vast hydropathic establishment and the most imposing of all the remains unearthed at Mohenjo-daro. Its plan is simple: an open quadrangle with verandahs on its four sides, a large swimming pool sunk 8 feet below the paving of the court, and a flight of steps at either end. The walls of the bathing pool were uniformly 1.36 meters thick and made waterproof by a regular lining of bitumen (tar) 2.4 centimeters thick. A drain was found in the southwest corner inside the bath. This was a hole in the brick facing that goes through two baked-brick walls and an intervening packing of clay. The end of the drain has been removed by erosion of the western edge of the mound and cannot be traced. Marshall proposes that the impressive corbelled arch of the bath drain "may have served as a secret exit in times of need." It was surrounded by a colonnade, seven across the width and ten along each side, with a roof that would have opened to the sky along with drains for the disposal of dirty water (Jansen, 1989)15.
Vedic Varuna: Vedic References of Hydro-management
During the Vedic period, it was understood how to collect water from undulating hilly terrain and transport it through canals to distant areas. Numerous verses in the Rigveda indicate that agriculture can be advanced by using water from wells and ponds, and it is mentioned that Ribhus or an engineer constructed artificial canals to irrigate desert areas. It also emphasizes the efficient use of water; that is, water obtained from various sources such as wells, rivers, rain, and any other sources on earth should be used efficiently, as it is a gift from nature, for the benefit of all. The Rigveda also contains references to irrigation by wells, canals (the word "kulya" in the Rigveda), and canal excavation. In Patanjali's Mahabhasya (150 BCE), the term "kulya" is also used. Interestingly, "asma-cakra" is mentioned in the Rigveda (a wheel made of stones). A leather strap was used to raise water in a pail using the wheel. There is also mention of "Ghatayantra" or "Udghatana" (a wheel in the shape of a drum), around which a pair of endless ropes with ghata (earthen pots) were tied at equal distances. On the basis of evidence from Indian texts written around 350 BCE, the "Noria" was developed in India around the fifth or fourth century BCE, and the knowledge was transmitted to the west by the first century BCE and to China by the second century AD. Yajurveda states that those who use rainwater for navigation, recreation, agriculture, etc. via rivers, wells, and canals will be always prosperous. Atharvaveda instructs the king to construct suitable canals across mountains to supply water for agriculture and other purposes. The chronology of Rigveda and Vedic texts makes the material evidence for Vedic water management debatable, despite the abundance of literary references. According to traditional historiography, it dates to the middle of the second millennium BCE, making it post-Harappan. According to the research of B.B. Lal and Mark Kenoyer, there were numerous similarities between the Vedic and Harappan cultures, which led to the theory that they were the same culture. Dilip Chakrabarti has a different interpretation of the similarities; he believes that the Rigvedic period can be dated to the 5th or 6th millennium BCE, while the Vedic period represents successive millennia. Thus, it is plausible, based on recent research that numerous references to various types of water management techniques in Vedic texts refer to various types of Harappan hydro management techniques and systems discovered during archaeological excavations. Nevertheless, despite the disputed chronology, it can be asserted that the significance of water management in Rigvedic culture was immense and that water was accorded divine status.
Early Historic Period and Classical Period: Second Urbanization and Age of Epics
During the 2nd millennium BCE, Harappan urbanization gave way to Gangetic ruralization as a result of devolution and localization. Nevertheless, despite the decline of cities, hydro management knowledge survived in various forms, albeit on a limited scale. During Period II (1400 BCE–1000 BCE) at Inamgaon of the Jorwe culture, channels were discovered in the courtyards of houses to drain rainwater from roofs, as well as an embankment with a channel used for irrigating the surrounding fields. In the first half of the first millennium BCE, there were indications of a second urbanization that spanned the entire Indian subcontinent. In the north, it took the form of 16 Mahajanpadas and then the Pax Maurya, whereas in the far south, in the Tamilakam region, it marked the beginning of the Sangam era.
Agriculture and livestock rearing occupied a prominent role during the Upnishadhic, Jainism and Buddhist periods (600 BCE), and channel irrigation was in vogue. Field embankments were constructed surrounding the fields to increase water holding capacity at strategic points with sluice gates to harness river water with proper regulation facilities (Arthashastra), and irrigation through conduits was in practice to deliver water to the irrigation field for attaining higher efficiency. Literature suggests that a large number of hydraulic structures (dams, canals, and lakes) were built during the Mauryan period in the Indo-Gangetic Plain and other parts of the country for irrigation and drinking purposes. In ancient times, wells and tanks were the popular sources of irrigation. The general pattern of irrigation seems to have been the same in post-Maurya times as in subsequent times in India, namely by wells, tanks, canals, and rivers. Archeological excavations have brought to light several terracotta ring-wells belonging to the period 600–200 B.C (Sharma, 1957)29. These have been found at Hastinapura, New Delhi, Rupar, Ujjain, Mathura, and Nasik." While some of these ring-wells served as sonkage pits, others were used as real wells; this was certainly the case with brick wells, for instance, the one that was found at Ujjain. In Astadhyayi of Panini (4th BCE), we find the word Kupa for wells. At around 500 BCE, the city of Ujjain was also provided with a sophisticated drainage system, having soak pits built of pottery rings or pierced pots. In Taxila around 300 BCE, a very similar drainage system to that of Mohenjo-Daro was in place (Singh, Dey, Jain, and Mujumdar, 2020)30.
By the beginning of 300 BCE, a firm administrative setup due to centralized Mauryan state had taken shape. The Kautiliya Arthasästra (c.300 BCE) emphasizes the importance of irrigation works by mentioning them as sources of crops. For everlasting benefits like excellent rainfall, water from irrigation is also equally beneficial. Another passage from Arthasăstra, while stating the attribute of a good country, highlights the importance of irrigation and not depending upon mere rainwater. Many of these structures were equipped with spillways as a safety measure against large, incoming floods. During the Mauryan Empire (400–184 BCE), the emperor Chandragupta Maurya constructed the Sudarsana dam in Girnar, Junagadh, Gujarat. Subsequent structural improvements involved the addition of conduits during the reign of Asoka the Great by his provincial governor, the "Yavana Administrator (Greek Administrator)," Tusaspha (Kielhorn, In an excavation conducted by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) during 1951–1955, in Kumhrar (the site of ancient Pataliputra), which is a few miles south of Patna, Bihar, "a canal 45 feet broad, 10 feet deep, and traced up to the length of 450 feet" was found, possibly belonging to the Mauryan period. The canal was linked with the "Son River" and also with the "Ganges" for navigation purposes and also for providing irrigation to the adjoining area (Jain, 1991)14.
As recognition of the high position accorded to agriculture by the rulers as well as the people at large, the construction of tanks and other types of reservoirs was considered an act of religious merit. Here the religious merit indicates "the welfare and wellbeing of the society." The Arthashastra mentions that "he (the King) shall construct reservoirs (setu) filled with water, either perennial or drawn from some other source." "Or he may provide sites, roads, timber, and other necessary things to those who construct reservoirs of their own accord." The Arthashastra of Kautilya gives us an idea of the principles and methods of management of irrigation systems. That the Mauryan kings took keen interest in the irrigation schemes is borne out by the report of Megasthenes (a Greek traveler), who mentions a group of officers responsible for supervising the rivers, measuring the land as is done in Egypt, and inspecting the sluices through which the water is released from the main canals into their branches so that everyone may have an equal supply. The Sudarshan lake and Sanchi dam system would have been built on the basis of a sound knowledge of the principles of water balance with detailed hydrological investigations and by "engineers with experience of reservoir irrigation" with a higher level of understanding of hydraulic technology.
Similarly, the Ahar–Pyne system of the Mauryan Empire is an excellent example of a hydraulic structure. The Pynes are constructed as channels to utilize the river water flowing through the hilly regions, whereas the Ahars are catchments with embankments on three sides to store rainwater and the water from the Pynes. The Pynes feed many Ahars, and several distributaries are then constructed from both Pynes and Ahars for irrigating the field. The Ahar–Pyne system also works as a preventive mechanism for floods, as the catchments are designed to store excess rainwater.
Also, Arthashstra mentions Strotayantra, which must have been a kind of hydraulic machine with a wheel and buckets. The term "rahata," which is commonly used for a Persian wheel in India, is mentioned in the Gathasaptashati. In this context, it may be mentioned that symbols on the reverse of some early Andhra coins from Kolhapur have been taken to represent the waterwheels used for irrigation. A Nasik inscription of the same period refers to a guild of odayantrikas, "workers fabricating hydraulic engines." The exact nature of these machines may not be known, but the fact that considerable progress was made in the technology of lift irrigation during the Mauryan and post-Mauryan periods cannot be denied. And this progress was achieved not by the state bureaucrats but by the independent guilds of tank builders and machine makers. Kautilya mentions four different methods of "setting water into motion for the land to be irrigated." It can be believed that the methods were graded by him on the basis of their efficiency. Udghatam might have referred to the method of lifting water from tanks, wells, etc. with the help of a long bamboo balanced on a lever, with a heavy load on one end and a bucket on the other, while strotayantrapravartim referred to a kind of hydraulic machine. The solitary reference to the dam at Junagadh and to a canal in Kalinga are indicative of more stress on tanks and wells, which, on account of the technological progress attained in the lift irrigation system, must have been quite effective (Bhattacharya, 2012)5.
Besides, there is the epigraphic record of Ashoka about the construction of wells at every kos along the roads and the establishment of numerous drinking places. Thus, the existing archaeological evidence suggests that, in the Maurya period and the two centuries succeeding it, wells and especially rings Wells were constructed in sufficient numbers, but how far they were used for purposes of irrigation is not known. The fact that Asoka established drinking places (apana) in addition to wells might indicate that wells were also used for irrigation.
In ancient India, irrigation was conducted by such minor works as wells, tanks, ponds, etc., which did not require either the mobilization of labor on a large scale or a super-powerful bureaucracy to organize and manage them. These works were owned and maintained by local people, individually or collectively. The state enterprise in irrigation was only marginal and largely confined to the settlement of disputes that might arise among neighbors over the distribution of water.
In addition to the Indus-Saraswati and Gangetic valleys, we discovered an advanced level of ancient hydrological management in the Tamilakam region during the Sangam Age (c. 300 BCE–c. 300 CE), which reached its final form during the reign of the imperial Cholas and was continued by the mediaeval Vijayanagara-Nayak dynasties. Tolkappium is regarded as the first text to define the grammatical form of the Tamil language. Poets and bards of this age named these regions based on their hydro-geological characteristics: Kurunji (mountains), Mullai (forest), Marutham (agricultural land), and Neithal (coastal area). The agricultural region known as "Marutham" is associated with rivers, wells, ponds, and tanks. In "Thirukkural," immediately following the first ten couplets discussing the greatness of the world's Creator, the author devotes the next ten couplets to "rain" and demonstrates that rain is essential for the sustenance of life. It can be inferred that irrigated agriculture was practiced in this region of the country during the Sangam period, when the majority of the population pursued the prestigious profession of farming. The Grand Anicut, across the river Cauvery, 16 kilometers east of the city of Tiruchirapalli, is by far the most significant irrigation structure constructed by King Karikala Chola during the second century AD. This "anicut," as it was later dubbed, is truly magnificent in that it is possibly the world's oldest hydraulic structure built on a permeable foundation that is still operational at the head of the Cauvery delta. The amount of water taken from rivers and reservoirs through canals and tanks was, of course, measured in relation to the flow period, with the flow period determining the share of each farmer. Being a river with unreliable water supplies, the Vaigai contains hundreds of tanks in the Madurai and Ramanathapuram districts. These tanks appear to have existed under Pandyan rule and were most likely constructed in stages by the kings and chieftains. These tanks rely on their own catchments, with some receiving additional water from the river. "Madurai Kanci" is a literary work that provides a vivid description of the Pandyan nation during the reign of PandyanNedunchezian. The title also refers to a number of water lifting devices used in tank irrigation. The Sangam classic "Paripadal" contains a poem on the river Vaigai (Poem 20) that describes how the fresh and flooding waters of the river within the Madurai fort swelled up to the height of the city's walls and poured down the fort walls through openings that resembled the pouring of water mixed with blooming flowers by enormous male elephants with their trunks raised in worship. According to the passages in "Paripadal," the river Vaigai was viewed as a mighty river prone to frequent flooding, and several water-heads and sluices were built to control and regulate it. Beginning in the eighth century, Pandyan records reveal an abundance of sluices and river channels constructed around Madurai for irrigation purposes. In the Chera and Noyyil regions, the chiefs took the most initiative, in contrast to the Pandyan and Chola centralized states. ThagadurAdhigaman ruled over portions of the present-day Salem and Dharrnapuri districts and introduced the use of feeding channels for sugarcane cultivation. His virtues have been praised by the Tamil poetess Avvayar. His time period may have occurred around the third century AD (Mohanakrisnan, 2001)21
We also find reference to different types of artificial water storage techniques in epics like the Mahabharata and Ramayana, which, although based on certain historical events from the early 1st millennium BCE, were composed between 200 BCE and 200 AD. In the Ramayana, Kosala is lauded for being adevamatka, i.e., independent of rainfall. In the Mahabharata's Sabhaparva, Narada asks Yudhisthira if the kingdom's reservoirs, lakes, etc. are constructed at the appropriate distances for agricultural purposes. According to Manusmrti (second century A.D.), the king's responsibility is to construct irrigation systems. Additionally, the Dharmasütras of Visnu and Vasistha mention the construction of such works. Various Tirthas are mentioned in the Mahabharata (Anusasanaparvan 25.26), which is entirely devoted to the construction of Tirthas in Marwar. After the significance of irrigation works has been established, the next phase or principle in the management of water is the application of irrigation techniques. The water made accessible through various irrigation works is to be used for a variety of controlled purposes. This is another water management principle. It is to be offered for human consumption. There are references to Prapa in the Mahabharata (Santiparvan) as well. The Mahabharata's thirteenth parvan devotes an entire chapter to the usefulness of jaladana. Water must also be given to animals. A controlled water supply is required for plant growth. Each crop has a unique set of needs that vary during its growth cycle. The literal translation of Kusula (Mahabhaya), however, reveals this regulated water supply. It indicates that each paddy plot was surrounded by a dyke, which served two purposes: water supply regulation and inundation (wash-out) of the next field. Arjuna quenched the thirst of arrow-bed-lying Bhisma by penetrating the ground and creating a spring with his archery skills. This is an example of both controlled water supply and management of etc. for those constructing irrigation- subterranean water works. He also mentions peasant association irrigation work. It is appropriate to mention the interpretation of the Bhagiratha narrative here. His bringing the Ganges to earth is interpreted as diverting the east-flowing (i.e., toward Tibet) Ganges to flow southward using engineering techniques, thereby fertilizing the North Region, Also in Manusmrti, some expiation is prescribed for such an offense. The same passage states that those who do not assist the king when the river is being prepared or the dyke, etc., is being damaged by bandits should be exiled . Although we have very scant archaeological evidence for large scale water works done by the state or any organization during this period due to a lack of exploration and lesser excavation in the densely populated Gangetic plains, in which many ancient sites are still inhabited, one exception is the site of Sringverapura, where exploration and excavation were done on a larger scale (Date,2008)9
Sringaverapura is believed to have derived its name from the sage Rishyasringa, who is thought to have had his asrama (hermitage) here (Lal, 1992)19. The place features again in the Ramayana story, rather prominently, since it was here that Rama was ferried across the Ganga by the local Nishädachieftain, Guha. By the beginning of Period IV, i.e., in the second century B.C., it had reached its maximum extant, as indicated by the fact that remains from that period are practically all over the mound, which was excavated by B.B. Lal, who also found a large tank of monumental scale.
The Sringverapura Tank
The Sringverapura tank is one of the most spectacular instances of an ancient Indian water tank. It was discovered in Mathura, in the northern Indian state of Uttar Pradesh (formerly known as Uttar Pradesh), and was filled with water from the Ganges via a conduit. The Feeding Channel was formed by severing the nullah's banks and redirecting excess water into a specially dug channel. The feeding canal was roughly 11 meters wide at the top but just 3 meters wide at the bottom because of its landing sides. The water from the Feeding Channel entered a silting chamber, which was not in a direct line with the Feeding Channel but to its side, causing the water to lose some of its force before entering the chamber. In addition, the bottom of the silting chamber was approximately higher than the bottom of the feeding channel. This increase in the bottom level prevented a substantial amount of silt and other debris from entering the silting chamber. The water from the silting chamber entered the brick tank, whose several sections are labeled A, B, and C on the design. Before the Inlet Channel, there is a stepped ledge through which water goes from the silting chamber to Tank A. This stepped ledge was quite effective at halting the onslaught of the rushing water. The bottom of the inlet channel was similarly higher than the bottom of the silting chamber. This configuration prevented the silt in the bottom portion of the silting chamber's water column from entering Tank A and lowered the water thrust. Water cascaded down a series of steps, entering a larger area before reaching the ground. Such measures were taken so that the raging river water was calmed before it could even reach the floor of the first sector of the Brick Tank. A vertical wrapping approach with a set of three retaining walls sloping against the natural soil in Tank A This was done to prevent the walls from collapsing under the force of the incoming water. If there had been a single vertical wall as opposed to many sloping and terraced walls, the structure would have been more susceptible to the thrust. In addition, a horizontal wrapping technique was utilized, in which tank A gradually widened as it moved away from the inlet channel. This was done to permit the horizontal distribution of incoming water. Its base dips toward the south, which is opposite the Inlet Channel. The effect was that any remaining silt in the water was transported to the southern bank and permitted to settle there. In the south-east corner, a staircase was installed to periodically remove this silt. During the summer, when the water level would have been lower, it would have been most convenient to perform this task. To ensure that only pure water reached tank B, a linking tunnel was constructed higher than tank A. This portion of the tank complex served as the primary source of drinking water. Tank C, which will be discussed shortly, was smaller and appears to have been utilized for religious purposes as opposed to supplying water. Similar to the top of Tank A, a series of cascading steps, vertical and horizontal wrapping techniques, and a slightly elevated floor were utilized. Regarding the level of water kept in the tank complex, it was dependent on the base level of the Inlet channel, as any excess water over that level would have returned after the flood receded. All of this must have been sufficient for the time from September to June when there was no input. If this ran out, the water in Tank A, which was not as clean as that in Tanks B and C, would have also been used. In this context, it must be mentioned that the water from this tank complex was not intended for the entire town's inhabitants, but only for those who resided nearby. For others, particularly those who lived within a reasonable distance of the river, the river must have remained a convenient source of food. The hydraulic engineers also considered the possibility of evaporation, particularly in the post-winter months beginning in April. So as to overcome the probable scarcity, they devised an alternative device. In the tank's base, they dug wells that connected to the subsoil water. The pressure mechanism indicates that as the water table in the tank dropped, the subsoil-water wells must have become increasingly active. While the provision of sub-soil-water wells in the bed of the tank automatically guarded against water loss through downward seepage, the bricks of the retaining walls were extremely close together, leaving little passage for water, and the natural soil behind these walls was hard and compact, absorbing very little water. Since Tank B was the primary source of water, staircases were installed along its sides at regular intervals to allow people to access the water level and retrieve it. The water entering Tank B was extremely pure. Therefore, no stepping-up mechanism was deemed necessary in the canal connecting Tank B and Tank C. This waterway, unlike the Inlet Channel and Interconnecting Channel, was sufficiently wide and was definitely utilized for water retrieval and related activities, as evidenced by the staircases that fell into it. Tank C stands alone due to its circular design. An intriguing feature is the staircase that began at the then-ground level in the east, wound to the west and south, and fell all the way down with several landings in between. The presence of a considerable number of terracotta figures of gods and goddesses in Tank C, some in the lower deposits but the majority in the detritus, suggests that religious structures once stood nearby. Only parts of the clay statues were available. However, they can be identified as sections of the figures of Kubera, Shiva, and Parvati, among others. It is evident from this collection that Sringaverapura was a genuine religious center. Also, a well-thought-out waste weir was required to release excess water. Regarding the brick tank, Tank C was the final unit. Consequently, the surplus water had to be released via Tank C. Since the river is situated to its south, the river's outflow is organized through its southern portion. There was a set of six channels carved into the natural soil, as well as the remnants of a few bricks indicating their intentional use as overflow routes. It is evident from the preceding that the ancient hydraulic engineers who conceived and built the tank took every effort to assure its safety. This voluminous effort requires a substantial budget, a high level of technical expertise, and administrative oversight. It appears, by a process of elimination, that only a monarch with all his resources could have erected it. Circumstantial evidence suggests that the architect may have been King Dhanadeva of Ayodhya, whose territory included the location of Sringaverapura. Regardless of who constructed it, the Brick Tank unearthed in Sringaverapura is a testament to the expertise of Indian hydraulic engineers two thousand years ago (Lal, 1993)19.
Early Medieval and Later Periods: An Overview of Selected Regions
Till the 6th century CE, more or less, the image of different sorts of hydraulic techniques and their employment across the subcontinent was identical. In contrast to the second millennium BCE, however, there was no ruralization in the seventh century CE; rather, there was an increase in the number of state formations in both core and periphery regions. This resulted in what many early-modern scholars refer to as the "Third Urbanization." However, the patterns that were developing were distinct. While in Himalayan areas the settlements were tiny and most initiatives were taken by communities, further south the Cholas were solidifying their dominance and some of the major urban centers of their contemporary time were flourishing. While in the dry and semi-arid areas of Gujarat and Rajasthan, Sanskritization led to the emergence of the Rajputs and the foundation of new chiefdoms and kingdoms. This also led to the quest for new sources of legitimacy, one of which was the construction of a watershed management system for the public good. A detailed examination of Tamilakam, the Central Himalayas, and Rajasthan can assist us in better comprehending the divergent pattern.
Tamilakam: A Centralized State and Initiatives
Among the major eras of South India, the Cholas made an enormous contribution to the management of water for the kingdom's populace. During the reign of the Cholas, effective irrigation facilities were established. According to the amount of land, rules were established for water consumption so that no water is wasted. It was common, when selling or donating property, to specify in the papers which rivers, lakes, and tanks were utilised for irrigation. According to legend, Vira Rajendra Chola was important in establishing banks on both sides of the Cauvery. When it was impossible to create new rivers, the Cholas constructed enormous lakes. From Sendalai inscriptions, we learn that Parantaka sent donations to the Amankudi Jain community for the upkeep of Virasikamani Lake (AllurAlachikkudi). From the inscription, we also learn that Arambavir was given the responsibility of preserving the lake. The majority of the Kaveri River's canals, including the Uyyakondan canal, Rajendran vaykkal, and SembianMahadedegvivaykkal, are part of this system. There was a well established and effective water management system from the village level up. The rise in royal sponsorship and the number of devadana and bramadeya lands elevated the role of temples and village assemblies on the battlefield. Committees such as eri-variyam and totta-variyam were active, as were temples with their great resources of land, personnel, and money. Parantaka Chola established the Viranameri Lake at Kattumannarkoil in the South Arcot area during this time period. Even now, this lake appears to be a vital source of irrigation. In his capital city, Gangaikondacolapuram, Rajendra Chola constructed the massive Solagangam reservoir, which was characterized as "the liquid pillar of triumph." It was equipped with sluices and canals in order to irrigate the land in the surrounding districts. Madurantakam, Sundra-cholapereri, and Kundavai-Pereri are other well-known lakes from this era (named after a Chola queen). Moreover, during the Chola period, a special board was established for the upkeep of lakes across Chola territory, with members receiving wages as fees. Additionally, in order to assist the board and maintain records, officers were selected. They were compensated for their labor. Additionally, they were known as "intermediaries." For one year, they were provided with four nali paddies every day, seven Kalanju gold pieces, and one dhoti. Additionally, tax-free land and supplies were donated as gifts for the upkeep of the lakes. Additionally, a tax called the "ayam" was imposed. Rajaraja I (985–1014 C.E.) constructed several water bodies and made numerous upkeep arrangements for them. He made significant contributions by establishing several committees to examine the wellbeing of the cattle and the advancement of agriculture. Among other things, he emphasized water sharing and harvesting. From Purananuru, we learn that the monarchs who preserved the water sources would also be the people's saviors. Based on this, he constructed the Uyyakkondan canal, which was one of his titles. Thus, water management was carried out with precision. Among the numerous accomplishments of Rajaraja I, the Mayanur canals stood out. Mayanur is located on the Cauvery's southern bank, west of Kulittalai. He constructed a channel at Mayanur to provide irrigation to Palaiyur, Analai, Pulivalam, and Somarasampettai, which were located in the Trichy district on the southern bank of the Cauvery. The channel was extended to Eriyur's location and joined to it. According to the Tiruvalangadu Copper Plates, Rajendra Chola (1012–1044 CE) constructed CholaGangam, also known as Ponneri, next to Gangaikondacholapuram to commemorate his conquest of the Ganges. After he conquered the Ganges, he carried the river's water to the lake. Needed water was transported from Kollidam to Ponneri by a canal named after his father, Rajaraja I. During the Cholas' rule, these laws and regulations were amended, polished, and implemented in the harshest terms. The copper plate inscriptions of Tiruvalankatu, which date back to the sixth year of Rajendra Cholan I's reign (1018 A.D.), are among the greatest instances of water management. The land of the donated village (Devadana village) will be irrigated by canals dug in accordance with the quantity of water allocated from these canals. Others who are not tenants of Devadana properties are prohibited from cutting branches or constructing dams across waterways. Individuals and the government of India had a significant role in arranging irrigation in regions where they were responsible for a significant portion of the country's water requirements. They spent enormous sums of money desilting existing lakes, restoring old ones, and excavating new tanks to provide a consistent water supply for all the canals. Immediately after the building of lakes, several uncultivated regions were cultivated (Selvamani, 2019)28.
Himalayan Hinterland’s: Integration of Community and Nature
According to their demands, the people of the valley create water harvesting systems and use them for drinking water and irrigation.. In Kedarnath Valley, Dhara is a frequent source of drinking water. Through excavated exits, water from springs or subsurface sources is diverted out. These water sources are marvels of conventional hydraulic engineering. Some kunds have altered elaborate buildings used for bathing and laundry. In mountainous regions, a range of natural and artificial landforms or depressions are employed for glacial water storage and rainwater collection. Vasuki Tal, Chorabari Tal, Deoria Tal, Kanchani Tal, and Nandi Kund are notable lakes, while Chorabari and Panptiya are significant glaciers that were utilized in the construction of different hydraulic community projects. Archaeological findings indicate that terraced agriculture has been practiced for a millennium in the Central Himalaya (Prasad, Chandi & Sharma, 2019)24. Historically, the difficulty of irrigating the terraces was overcome by channeling water from adjacent mountain streams through Kedarnath Valley channels known as kuhls or guhls. There are two sorts of guhls: kachikuhls and pakkikuhls, both of which are constructed by locals using sand, soil, and stone. An insight into Kashmir was given by the Raja Tarangini (Kalhana) (1148 A.D.), which gives an account of the accomplishments of an engineer named Suyya in the realm of Avantivarman. To control the excess flood, he emptied vessels of dinaras into the Vitasta River. He built stone embankments for Vitasta for 7 yojanas; he brought the water of Mahapadma Lake under control. Despite the emergence of incipient imperialism among the Varmans of Kashmir or the Katyuri of the Kumaons, it was the community that contributed most to hydro management.
Rajasthan: A Combination of Community and State
There are no permanent rivers in Rajasthan; hence, the majority of water-related difficulties are dependent on weather and river changes. There are many traditional water delivery systems, such as nadi, talab, johad, bandha, sagar, and sarovar. Wells are another key source of water. Different types of wells exist in Rajasthan. Nadis are village ponds formed by erecting earthen berms around valleys' natural depressions. The Mewar area is famed for its talabs, and Udaipur is awash with them. The reservoirs come in a variety of sizes and names. These reservoirs offer both potable and agricultural water. In contrast to talabs, tanks have huge masonry walls on all four sides. They are either square or rectangular in shape and have the capacity to retain vast amounts of water. Typically, they are generated as a result of good acts performed to gain punya. Jhalara is synonymous with baoli. The earliest step wells were presumably constructed about 550 A.D. In the eighth and ninth centuries, Sagar, located in the area of Alwar, was formed as a raw lake. It was restored by Maharaja Bhakhtawar Singh Ji in 1813 and is surrounded by twelve red stone canopies. Due to the extreme changes in water supply, step wells were constructed. The Chand Baori in Abhaneri village is one of the most essential step wells in the state of Rajasthan. This stairwell comprises 3,500 stairs that gradually taper. The Raniji-ki Jharla, erected in 1699 by Rani Nathavati Ji, is the greatest example. There are worship areas on each floor of the multi-story structure(Murugesan, Amrithalingam, 2014)22. In Rajasthan, the state routinely used historic Hindu temples as a show of legitimacy by constructing or renovating new community water management works. With the emergence of public water supplies, however, these ancient reservoirs of water have diminished.
Sustainability of the Ancient Water Management System in the Modern Period
Even after the decline of rich medieval era kingdoms, many hydro management methods persisted over the middle ages and early modern centuries, despite repeated political upheavals caused by power transitions among several kingdoms and empires. In reality, a number of these polities maintained and even improved the medieval water collection infrastructure. In the north, where there existed a network of perennial Himalayan rivers with periodic floods and constant replenishment of groundwater, underground wells and baolis were favored even by the Rajput kings of the barren area. In South India, which had a semi-arid environment and low groundwater levels, a network of tanks, anicuts, and canals was constructed, and historic waterworks were often rebuilt. Continuing the legacy of the imperial Cholas, the Vijaynagara-Naiyaka dynasty adopted hydromanagement practices as one of several means of acquiring legitimacy. However, despite the expanded participation of the state in the building of several big waterworks, the management was often left to local committees and village authorities. Thus, along with corporate and public activities, there was community engagement, which was vital to the durability of these institutions across thousands of years. However, with the entrance of Britons numerous conventional institutions broke down, leading to the virtual elimination of the traditional management of waterworks. This was followed by an even more viscous trend of unplanned urbanization and unsustainable modernity (Agrawal, Narain.1997)1.
Discontinuities and Destruction during the Colonial and Modern Period
By the nineteenth century, the majority of pre-British patronage and investment networks had been dismantled, thereby eradicating various older water management strategies. In the 1830s, Sir Arthur Cotton and Major Proby Cautley made significant strides in irrigation in Southern India and Northern India, respectively. The East India Company, which by then controlled much of India, saw a huge business opportunity in irrigation and pooled the resources of many different groups. The Grand Anicut at Tanjore and the Jamuna canals in the Delhi area are being restored by a combination of philanthropy and commercial interest. The East Jamuna Canal and the Tamil Nadu canal system, both of which saw expansion and improvement in the 1820s, are the only two notable outliers. The colonial government attempted large-scale irrigation projects in the Deccan region in the hopes of immediate economic gains from water development. The "canal colonies" of Punjab, which were irrigated by a network of canals, are a shining example of successful imperial irrigation policy. Western Punjab's barren lands were transformed into fertile farmland thanks to British engineers' efforts to build a system of interconnecting irrigation canals in the 1880s. By connecting science and the colonial empire in an effort to regulate and commodify nature in order to utilise its productive powers, the history of Punjab 'canal colonies' shed light on the complicated interaction between the state, science, and nature in a colonial environment. Because of this, a massive bureaucratic apparatus was developed to oversee irrigation, which was centralized. Therefore, towards the conclusion of colonial administration, the British had proven that canal irrigation was economically feasible. Scholars like Mason have praised canal irrigation for preventing famines in India, but the performance of Indian agriculture as a result of canal irrigation has been contentious. While some believed that the Bengal famine of 1942, which killed four million people due to a lack of food, could have been avoided if not for the 'unbalanced irrigation development' that prioritized irrigation projects and investment in Punjab, Madras, and the United Provinces.
Thus, it may be stated that colonial rule altered property relationships and took ultimate control through ownership of all resources, including land, water, forests, and minerals, without an understanding of how the irrigation systems functioned. Also, communities were hit hard by a wide variety of taxes, including those on land, water, wells, subsoil, water, canals, etc. Longstanding social bonds and social cohesion were altered as a result of colonization, which shifted the economy from one based on resource collecting and food production to one centered on commodities (Dellapenna and Gupta, 2009)16. The British cleared vast areas of forest for mining coal and lumber and expanding farmland. Forests and communal irrigation systems were acquired by the state over time. Once shared amongst citizens, water is now solely the property of the state. At least since the 1860s, the government has argued that its monopoly on the nation's water supply is an inherent part of its right to exercise complete sovereignty over any and all resources within its borders. As a result, the Canal and Drainage Act of 1873 was passed in the late nineteenth century to exert authority in the public interest by stating that the government had the right to "use and manage for public purposes the water of all rivers and streams running in natural channels, and of all lakes."
By the end of nineteenth century, the majority of pre-British patronage and investment networks had been dismantled, thereby eradicating various older water management strategies. When the British implemented the raiyatwari system in 1886, tanks with a command area of 40 ha or more were given to the public works department (PWD), while smaller tanks were given to local bodies or vested in the people themselves. Because local governments lacked qualified engineers and the duties of water users were unclear, the system of farmers performing maintenance work, known as "kudimaramath” works, gradually deteriorated. Tanks became clogged, and supply and distribution channels also became clogged. The deterioration of the tank irrigation system has been a source of much debate since the mid-nineteenth century. According to the Public Works Commission's report from 1852, there was little voluntary community contribution. The upkeep of the irrigation network was completely neglected, not just on the mainland but also in Sri Lanka, and some of them were destroyed during the colonial period (Cohen and Jankarajan, 2009)7. Unplanned development and uncontrollable urbanization posed an even larger challenge to colonialism, which could be an outcome of the distinct forces of colonialism itself. Some natural and manmade activities are threatening the traditional Himalayan water resources. The main natural culprits are earthquakes and landslides, while water resources are being depleted as a result of all the road widening, hydropower projects, channels, and other development projects. Due to urbanization and industrialization, many water collection systems have fallen into neglect in recent years. Furthermore, the region's unregulated population development and lack of zoning restrictions frequently result in these historic structures being dismantled, neglected, and polluted. Furthermore, sanitation and sewage treatment must be improved and segregated from these systems; potential solutions include enhanced composting and recycling, but none of these systems are currently in place. Even with these resources, though, inaccessibility remains a hurdle. To help replenish the water harvesting system and minimize contamination, the most successful systems frequently have zoning rules or no-build zones. Unfortunately, even in areas where zoning restrictions exist, corruption and bribery can lead to illegal building and exploitation. The establishment of new zoning legislation Aside from these concerns, there is a dearth of knowledge regarding the functional and cultural value of water structures, which, when paired with the short-term financial incentive of unsustainable farming techniques, provides a burden to sustainable restoration.
Revival of Ancient Techniques: Significance and Solutions
Traditional water gathering devices have been around for generations. They have evolved by utilizing age-old wisdom and terrain knowledge accumulated over many hundreds of years. There is an urgent need to rejuvenate and revitalize these old systems, which are particularly adapted to the needs of specific places. They also serve important sociological and theological requirements of the people as well as being culturally, historically, and architecturally significant . They meet people's basic water needs, particularly in water-stressed locations like the Thar Desert and the Himalayas. Traditional water resource management is critical to preserving Kedarnath Valley's water supplies during a water crisis. It was also discovered that, despite the numerous advantages of these old gadgets, they are being phased out. There is an urgent need to take strong actions to ensure the successful maintenance and rebirth of this ancient wisdom for water resource development, conservation, and management. Even water sources that are clearly neglected and contaminated have a significant potential for restoration. Revitalization comprises both initial restoration and maintenance; without care, structures can return to their earlier states of neglect. Local organizations have proposed utilizing cultural heritage value or tourism as a secondary incentive for both initial restoration and maintenance. Additionally, increased government engagement in land conservation to minimize pollution was urged. Additionally, increased government engagement in land conservation to minimize pollution was urged. Water is one of the most important natural resources for maintaining life, and it is expected to become critically limited in the future decades due to constant increases in demand, rapid population growth, and the country's increasing economy. Variations in climatic variables, both in space and time, are to blame for India's uneven distribution of precipitation. This unequal distribution of precipitation leads to a highly uneven distribution of available water resources, both in geography and time, resulting in floods and droughts affecting large portions of the country. Flood and drought mitigation need better and more scientific structural and non-structural measures. There is a need to increase water supply while decreasing demand. To increase the availability of water resources, there is a need for better management of current storages as well as the construction of additional storages through the construction of small, medium, and large-sized dams while taking economic, environmental, and social factors into account. The availability of water resources can be increased further by rejuvenating dying lakes, ponds, and tanks and increasing the artificial means of ground-water recharge, which includes the construction of check dams. Check dams and lift irrigation schemes provided options for farmers to cultivate more than one crop per year, boosting their agricultural production and self-sufficiency in food and money. In addition to these efforts, interbasin water transfer is one approach for reducing the excess and deficit basins' difficulties. However, scientific studies must be conducted to determine the technical and economic viability of interbasin water transfer while taking into account environmental, social, and eco-hydrological factors. These are not entirely novel, as they have been tested and refined over thousands of years of Indian history. Dholavira and Sringverpura's sophisticated hydraulic systems were among the first examples of rainwater collection that simultaneously served as a flood prevention system. The Himalayan Kuhls and Guhls, together with numerous kunds and naulas, were an important example of sustainable community water management techniques. The ancient brick wells that formed during the first and second urbanizations were forerunners of the stepped wells (baolis and vavs) that emerged during the third urbanization and were later refined during medieval times in the dry Rajput principalities. While in the extreme south, three crown kingdoms of the Sangam age built a network of tanks, anicuts (dams), and channels, which was later developed by the imperial Cholas and afterwards continued by the Vijayanagara-Nayaka dynasty. Thus, there has been a continuous flow of hydraulic knowledge and tradition among generations of Indians since the origin of hydromanagement during Neolithic times. Despite a temporary halt during the colonial period, we may employ pre-existing historical water works in conjunction with modern technologies to use our water resources efficiently in a future of scarcity.
Conclusion
Water has been a crucial core factor for Indian civilization since its origin. As we have seen, this is due in part to the many distinct ecological circumstances that our ancient civilization endured, particularly with the commencement of food production approximately nine thousand years ago. The early civilization required a consistent supply of water for their crops, whether by rain or irrigation, and hence emphasized the role of river or rainstorm deities. However, even our earliest human predecessors needed quick access to water, and hence, water myths persisted through their generations, whether hunter-gatherers or agriculturalists (Witzel,2015)31. This is best shown by the importance attached to the Saraswati river, which has been given titles such as ambitame (the best of mothers), naditame (the best of rivers), and devitame (the best of goddesses) . Because of its important role in second urbanization, the divineness was transferred to Ganga once Saraswati dried. Water was and still is a major theme in creation myths and associated rites, emphasizing the strong interaction of mythical traditions with their immediate surroundings. While many of us now may not have the same direct, spiritual relationship with water because we are dependent on our industrial water supply, water is still as vital to us as it was to the Harappans. However, dramatically different during the previous two decades: the collapse of historic water management systems, as well as unregulated industry, urbanization, and climate change. India sustains one-sixth of the world's population on one-fiftieth of the world's territory and one-fiftieth of the world's water resources. To avoid a catastrophe, we must seek solutions that are technically practicable, commercially viable, socially acceptable, and environmentally sound. Water consumption, in turn, has an influence on water quality; consequently, its use must not contribute to the degradation of water quality, which may jeopardize its future availability. The integrated and coordinated development of surface water and groundwater resources, as well as their joint usage, should be planned for from the start of a project and be an intrinsic element of its execution. There is a need for appropriate management of ground-water resources, which now need suitable inputs such as labor, financial resources, technology, and so on. Improving public water supply, using energy pricing and supply to manage agricultural groundwater draught, increasing rainwater harvesting and groundwater recharge, transferring surface water in lieu of groundwater pumping, increasing economic growth and reducing reliance on agriculture, and formalizing the water sector are some of the important measures that may be implemented for the sustainable development of groundwater resources.
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